scholarly journals Comparing Political Polarization in Political and Cultural Preferences

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Fischer

The popular press has given substantial attention to the notion that Democrats and Republicans hold diverging cultural and lifestyle preferences that manifest in the TV shows they watch, the music they listen to, and the clothes they buy. The academic research in this area is split, though, with some suggesting that such divisions exist and others arguing that they ultimately fail to materialize in real-world behavior. In this study, I use network methods to evaluate whether such partisan cultural polarization exists at the individual-level. I do so by constructing networks of shared cultural preferences and networks of shared political beliefs based on closed-ended survey responses. For each network, I calculate the assortativity (correlation) between linked respondents' partisan identity, ideology, age, gender, race, and education level. I show that the assortativity for the political identity measures is low across the cultural-preference networks compared to the political-belief networks. These results suggest that cultural preferences are not associated with partisan or ideological identities.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Grünhage ◽  
Martin Reuter

Blatantly observable in the U.S. currently, the political chasm grows, representing a prototype of political polarization in most if not all western democratic political systems. Differential political psychology strives to trace back increasingly polarized political convictions to differences on the individual level. Recent evolutionary informed approaches suggest that interindividual differences in political orientation reflect differences in group-mindedness and cooperativeness. Contrarily, the existence of meaningful associations between political orientation, personality traits, and interpersonal behavior has been questioned critically. Here, we shortly review evidence showing that these relationships do exist, which supports the assumption that political orientation is deeply rooted in the human condition. Potential reasons for the premature rejection of these relationships and directions for future research are outlined and implications for refinements and extensions of evolutionary informed approaches are derived.


2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-816 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN F. McCAULEY

When elites mobilize supporters according to different cleavages, or when individuals realign themselves along new identity lines, do their political preferences change? Scholars have focused predominantly on the size of potential coalitions that leaders construct, to the exclusion of other changes that might occur when one or another identity type is made salient. In this article, I argue that changes in the salience of ethnicity and religion in Africa are associated with variation in policy preferences at the individual level. I test this claim empirically using data from a framing experiment in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana. By randomly assigning participants to either a religious or an ethno-linguistic context, I show that group members primed to ethnicity prioritize club goods, the access to which is a function of where they live. Otherwise identical individuals primed to religion prioritize behavioral policies and moral probity. These findings are explained by the geographic boundedness of ethnic groups and the geographic expansiveness of (world) religions in the study area.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-34
Author(s):  
Edward C. Warburton

This essay considers metonymy in dance from the perspective of cognitive science. My goal is to unpack the roles of metaphor and metonymy in dance thought and action: how do they arise, how are they understood, how are they to be explained, and in what ways do they determine a person's doing of dance? The premise of this essay is that language matters at the cultural level and can be determinative at the individual level. I contend that some figures of speech, especially metonymic labels like ‘bunhead’, can not only discourage but dehumanize young dancers, treating them not as subjects who dance but as objects to be danced. The use of metonymy to sort young dancers may undermine the development of healthy self-image, impede strong identity formation, and retard creative-artistic development. The paper concludes with a discussion of the influence of metonymy in dance and implications for dance educators.


1989 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven E. Finkel ◽  
Edward N. Muller ◽  
Mitchell A. Seligson

While much is known about the effects of the economy on the popularity and electoral fortunes of political leaders, political scientists know very little about how economic decline and political performance influence support for the political regime and the stability of democratic systems. We use three cross-national longitudinal surveys to address this issue: two collected in Costa Rica in the midst of a severe economic crisis in the late 1970s and early 1980s; and one in West Germany during the recession of the mid-1970s. We show that in both countries, overall support for the political regime remained extremely high during the economic decline, while satisfaction with incumbent performance fluctuated much more sharply. Moreover, at the individual level, changes in satisfaction with incumbent performance were only weakly related to changes in regime support. These results provide strong evidence suggesting that if democracies enter economic downturns with initially high levels of regime support, they will be able to withstand even severe, prolonged crises of economic performance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (7) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Moonjoo Kim

In order to understand cultural value orientations of Korean employees, in the study I adopted the concept of dynamic collectivism, defined as the tendency of showing high on both collectivism and individualism at the individual level. I hypothesized that employees with collective dynamism would show organizational commitment and creativity in performance. I tested the hypothesis with 384 employees of Korean firms representing different industries. As predicted, dynamic collectivism increased both organizational commitment and creativity in performance. Beyond this finding, the results indicated that collectivism increased organizational commitment but decreased creativity, and individualism dampened organizational commitment and increased creativity. I concluded that dynamic collectivism is key to understanding organizational dynamics and employees' orientations in Korean firms.


Author(s):  
Henrik Oscarsson ◽  
Lauri Rapeli

Political sophistication refers to the role of expertise and the use of information in the forming of political judgments. Citizens in a democracy need a sufficient level of political sophistication to make sense of politics and to hold office holders accountable. Most people do not seem to be as sophisticated as theory would expect, and political sophistication also seems to be very unevenly spread among individuals. The consequences for democratic governance continue to be a matter of much scholarly debate. Although most researchers agree that sophistication among citizens tends to be low, many issues in the research field are deeply contested. First, several concepts such as awareness, sophistication, and knowledge are used more or less interchangeably in analyses of the political competence of citizens. It is, however, unclear whether the terminology conceals essential conceptual differences. Second, the empirical strategy of using surveys to measure sophistication has been heavily criticized. For some, the survey is an unsuitable method because it measures the respondents’ ability to produce correct answers under suboptimal conditions, rather than measuring what they actually know about politics. For others, the survey questions themselves are an inadequate measure of sophistication. Third, it is not clear what the effects of citizens’ political sophistication or lack thereof are on democratic governance. According to one group of scholars, the aggregated opinions and electoral choices of democratic publics would not look very different even if they were more sophisticated. The opponents of this low-information rationality theorem claim that increases in citizens’ sophistication would lead to substantial differences in democratic output. In other words, perceptions of the significance of sophistication for democracy deeply divide scholars working in the field. There is less disagreement concerning the individual-level determinants of sophistication. Although being male, well educated, and in a socially advantaged position still stand out as the strongest predictors of high sophistication, recent findings provide a more nuanced understanding of how sophistication is distributed among citizens. In addition to many enduring disputes, some questions remain largely unanswered. Without cross-nationally standardized survey items, scholars have struggled to conduct comparative studies of political sophistication. Therefore, role of political institutions as facilitators of political sophistication is to some extent uncertain. Whether and how sophistication changes over time are equally important, but mostly unexplored, questions.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 766-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

A large body of aggregate-level work shows that government policies do indeed respond to citizen preferences. But whether citizens recognize that government is responsive is another question entirely. Indeed, a prior question is whether or not citizens value responsiveness in the way that academic research assumes they should in the first place. Using comparative data from the European Social Survey, this article examines how citizens see government responsiveness. We show that several key assumptions of the aggregate-level literature are met at the individual level. But we also present results that show that attitudes toward representation and responsiveness are colored, sometimes in quite surprising ways, by winner–loser effects. In a finding that stands in some contrast to the normative literature on the topic, we show that these sorts of short-term attitudes help shape preferences for models of representation. In particular, we show that the distinction between delegates and trustees is a conceptual distinction that has limits in helping us to understand citizen preferences for representation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 805-822
Author(s):  
James E. Cameron ◽  
Lucie Kocum ◽  
John W. Berry

Globalization implicates a number of social psychological processes and outcomes, including openness to ideas, products, and people from outside one’s national boundaries. Drawing from theory and research on intergroup threat, the researchers posited that people will be more open to connections between their nation and others if they feel their economic situation and culture are relatively secure. They found some support for these hypotheses in 2 sets of archival survey responses collected by the Pew Global Attitudes Project in 2002 (40 countries; N = 34,073) and 2009 (25 countries; N = 22,500). Personal economic security and perceived national economic security were associated with more positive attitudes toward globalization in both survey years. However, country-level variables—development status (as indexed by the United Nations’ Human Development Index) and aggregated economic and cultural security—moderated the individual-level effects in several ways. Individual perceptions of national economic security more strongly predicted attitudes toward globalization in more favourable climates (e.g., in more developed countries, and at higher levels of country-level national economic security). Individual-level cultural security was positively associated with attitudes toward globalization in countries with higher levels of socioeconomic development, but negatively related to those attitudes in less developed nations. The results provide some new perspectives on individual and collective factors that inform the perceived benefits of globalization.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Dauphin ◽  
J. Kevin O'Regan

Adults are capable of very fine motor skills whereas newborn babies’ motions are less accurately adjusted to the environment. It has been suggested that babies are sensitive to sensorimotor contingencies so they can acquire their body knowhow by gradually linking each body movement to its perceptual consequences. The research we pursued in the team is part of this theoretical framework. We use behavioural measurements to study how babies refine their body knowhow over time.During my internship, we studied arm differentiation in infants of age 6 months. An artificial contingency was established between the movements of one of the babies’ arms and the appearance of visual and auditory stimuli on both of their arms. My goal was to develop analytical tools to assess if babies detect the contingency (i.e. if they realize that they caused the occurrence of the stimuli). I tried to reproduce the probabilistic methodology developed by J. Watson in his experiments with 4month old babies. I could not obtain reliable results and so pursued my investigations. I adapted Watson’s analytical tools to create a binary indicator measuring the success of babies at the individual level. I showed that babies can differentiate between a situation where without doubt they have no control and a situation where they could be the cause of the stimulus. However, because babies who tried to test the contingency behaved similarly in both the test and the control group I can not ascertain that babies from the contingent group understood that they triggered the contingency.


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