Propagated Preferences? Political Elite Discourses and Europeans’ Openness toward Muslim Immigrants

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian S. Czymara

Immigration is among the most vividly discussed topics in Europe’s national parliaments in recent years, often with a particular emphasis on the inflow of Muslims. This article examines the link between articulations of national political parties (political elite discourses) and natives’ attitudes toward immigrants in Europe. It provides a nuanced view of this relationship by (i) distinguishing more (inclusionary) from less (exclusionary) immigration-friendly political elites and (ii) isolating natives’ openness toward two specific groups: Muslim immigrants and ethnically similar immigrants. Combining the European Social Survey with party manifesto data and other sources, the analysis reveals that political elite discourses perform better in explaining natives’ attitudes compared to national demographic or economic aspects. Native Europeans’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants are more hostile in countries where political elites are more exclusionary and more welcoming where political elites are more inclusionary. In contrast, Europeans’ views on ethnically similar immigrants seem largely unaffected by exclusionary political elites. These findings suggest that political elites can play an important role in fostering or impeding immigrant integration by shaping public opinion, particularly toward more marginalized immigrant groups.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1212-1237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian S. Czymara

Immigration is among the most vividly discussed topics in Europe’s national parliaments in recent years, often with a particular emphasis on the inflow of Muslims. This article examines the link between articulations of national political parties (political elite discourses) and natives’ attitudes toward immigrants in Europe. It provides a nuanced view of this relationship by (i) distinguishing more (inclusionary) from less (exclusionary) immigration-friendly political elites and (ii) isolating natives’ openness toward two specific groups: Muslim immigrants and ethnically similar immigrants. Combining the European Social Survey with party manifesto data and other sources, the analysis reveals that political elite discourses perform better in explaining natives’ attitudes compared to national demographic or economic aspects. Native Europeans’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants are more hostile in countries where political elites are more exclusionary and more welcoming where political elites are more inclusionary. In contrast, Europeans’ views on ethnically similar immigrants seem largely unaffected by exclusionary political elites. These findings suggest that political elites can play an important role in fostering or impeding immigrant integration by shaping public opinion, particularly toward more marginalized immigrant groups.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110238
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska ◽  
Joshua K Dubrow

Whereas social scientists have devised various ways to measure representation gaps between the political elite and the masses across nations and time, few datasets can be used to measure this gap for particular social groups. Minding the gap between what parties social groups vote for and what parties actually attain seats in parliament can reveal the position of social groups in the political power structure. We help to fill this gap with a new publicly available dataset, Party Representation of Social Groups (PaReSoGo), consisting of 25 countries and 150 country-years, and a method for its construction. We used the European Social Survey 2002–2016 and ParlGov data for this time span to create a Dissimilarity Index. To demonstrate the utility and flexibility in the combination of cross-national surveys and administrative data, we chose social groups of gender, age, and education, as well as intersectional groups based on gender and age, and attitudinal groups. We conclude this research note with empirical illustrations of PaReSoGo’s use.


Author(s):  
Emilio Colombo ◽  
Valentina Rotondi ◽  
Luca Stanca

AbstractWe study the non-monetary costs of terrorist attacks in France, Belgium and Germany between 2010 and 2017. Using four waves of the European Social Survey, we find that individual well-being is significantly reduced in the aftermath of a terrorist attack. We explore possible mechanisms, finding that terrorist attacks are negatively correlated with generalized trust, institutional trust, satisfaction with democracy and satisfaction with the government. Terrorist attacks are also found to be positively correlated with negative attitudes towards migrants and perceived discrimination. Contrary to expectations, the negative relationship between terrorism and well-being is less strong for Muslim immigrants. We interpret this finding as an indication that immigrants benefit more than natives from the institutional reaction following terrorist attacks.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 819
Author(s):  
Durmuş Ali Arslan ◽  
Ahmet Çağrıcı ◽  
Mustafa Albayrak

Political parties and political elites are the basic elements of the democratic system. These two political and social phenomena play a decisive role in shaping the political and social structure of the country as well as in the shaping of individual political attitudes and behaviour. The most common forms of social political organization in contemporary societies are political parties. In this respect, political parties can be shortly defined as political organizations organized around the ideal of playing a decisive role in political and social life and whose ultimate goals are to reach power. In democratic societies, political parties are the most important means of political socialization and participation in the political process.In the western societies, the elite word that has been used in daily life since the 17th century. Its sociological meaning is rather different than daily life meaning. In essence, the elite can be defined as individuals who have institutional power, are in a position to control social resources, have the ability to directly or indirectly influence the decision-making process, and can fulfill their wishes and objectives in spite of their opponents. There are many elite groups in society. Political elites also form one of the most active elite groups in the social structure. Deputies and political leaders are also the most basic components of this elite group.The Democratic Party is one of the most important political parties of Turkish political life. This party holds the privilege of being the most important representative of the right of center-right politics in Turkey; Adnan Menderes also has a privileged political identity in Turkey as being the most important leader of the center-right politics tradition. Even the Democratic Party is regarded as a representative of the transition to multi-party political life in Turkey. The Democratic Party, legendary leader Adnan Menderes and the Democratic Party MPs, identified with the name party, have not only remained the pioneers of multi-party democratic life in the country; With the transition to multi-party life, they have played a decisive role in Turkey's change process and in the social and political life of the country.The Democratic Party as a political institution and Adnan Menderes, a political elite-leader have to be well known in order to understand and explain the political-social change and transformation that Turkey has experienced since about three quarters of a century. It was aimed to sociologically examine Adnan Menderes as an important political leader and political elite, and the Democratic Party, one of the most important political institutions of Turkish political life, from a historical perspective. The research is mainly designed as a descriptive sociological study type. ÖzetSiyasi partiler ve siyasi elitler, demokratik sistemin en temel unsurlarındandır. Bu iki siyasal ve toplumsal olgu, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışlarının şekillenmesinde de olduğu kadar ülkenin siyasi ve toplumsal yapısının şekillenmesinde de belirleyici rol oynar. Günümüz toplumlarında en yaygın toplumsal siyasal örgütlenme biçimi siyasi partilerdir. Bu yönüyle siyasi partiler kısaca, siyasal ve toplumsal hayatta belirleyici rol oynamak ideali etrafında örgütlenmiş ve nihai hedefleri iktidara ulaşmak olan siyasi örgütler olarak tanımlanabilir. Demokratik toplumlarda siyasi partiler, en önemli siyasi sosyalizasyon ve siyasal sürece katılım araçlarıdır.Batı toplumlarında, 17. yüzyıldan bu yana günlük dilde kullanılmaya başlanan elit sözcüğü ise sosyolojik olarak günlük dilde kullanıldığında daha farklı anlam ifade eder. Çok öz olarak elit, kurumsal iktidara sahip, toplumsal kaynakları kontrol edebilecek konumda bulunan, karar verme sürecini doğrudan veya dolayı olarak ciddi bir şekilde etkileme yeteneğine sahip, karşıtlarına rağmen istek ve amaçlarını gerçekleştirebilen birey(ler) olarak tanımlanabilir. Toplumda çok sayıda elit grubu vardır. Siyasi elitler de toplumsal yapı içindeki, en etkin elit gruplarından birini oluştururlar. Milletvekilleri ve siyasi liderler de bu elit grubunun en temel bileşenlerini oluştururlar.Demokrat Parti (DP), Türk siyasal hayatının en önemli siyasi partilerinden biri konumundadır. Bu parti Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğinin, Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk ve önemli temsilcisi olma ayrıcalığını elinden tutarken; lideri Türkiye’de merkez sağ siyaset geleneğini temsil eden önemli bir siyasal elittir. Dahası Demokrat Parti, Türkiye’de çok partili siyasi yaşama geçişin temsilcisi olarak da kabul edilir. Demokrat Parti, ismi partisi ile özdeşleşmiş efsanevi lideri Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri, yalnızca ülkede çok partili demokratik hayatın öncü isimleri olmakla kalmamışlar; çok partili yaşama geçişle birlikte Türkiye’nin değişim sürecine yön vermiş ve ülkenin toplumsal-siyasal hayatında belirleyici rol oynamışlardır.Bir siyasal kurum olarak Demokrat Parti’yi ve bir siyasi elit-lider olarak Adnan Menderes’i iyi anlamadan, Türkiye’nin yaklaşık üççeyrek asırdan beridir yaşadığı siyasal - toplumsal değişim ve dönüşümü anlamlandırmak ve açıklamak mümkün değildir. Bu realiteden yola çıkarak çalışmada, önemli bir siyasi lider ve bir siyasi elit olarak Adnan Menderes ile Türk siyasal yaşamının önemli siyasi kurumlarından biri olan Demokrat Parti’nin, tarihsel bir perspektiften, sosyolojik olarak incelenmesi hedeflenmiştir. Araştırma ağırlıklı olarak betimleyici - deskriptif bir sosyolojik çalışma türünde tasarlanmıştır.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lukas Stoetzer ◽  
Johannes Giesecke ◽  
Heike Klüver

Recent studies provide evidence that income inequality is a relevant driver for the electoral success of populist parties all over Europe. In this article, we aim to understand how exactly increasing income inequality can lead to support for populist parties. More specifically, we discuss four different attitudinal mechanisms that have been suggested in previous research: economic insecurities, trust in political elites, social integration and social identity. We rely on eight waves of the European Social Survey and find that especially trust in political elites is linked to rising income inequality and populist support. However, a causal mediation analysis shows that none of these mechanisms is sufficient to understand the impact of income inequality onsupport for populists. This finding raises questions regarding the empirical relevance of existing theories to explain how macroeconomic changes in inequality became a pre-condition for the rise of populist parties.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 883-912 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stockemer ◽  
Arne Niemann ◽  
Doris Unger ◽  
Johanna Speyer

Between 2015 and 2017, the European Union (EU) was confronted with a major crisis in its history, the so-called “European refugee crisis.” Since the multifaceted crisis has provoked many different responses, it is also likely to have influenced individuals’ assessments of immigrants and European integration. Using data from three waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) — the wave before the crisis in 2012, the wave at the beginning of the crisis in 2014, and the wave right after the (perceived) height of the crisis in 2016 — we test the degree to which the European refugee crisis increased Europeans’ anti-immigrant sentiment and Euroscepticism, as well as the influence of Europeans’ anti-immigrant attitudes on their level of Euroscepticism. As suggested by prior research, our results indicate that there is indeed a consistent and solid relationship between more critical attitudes toward immigrants and increased Euroscepticism. Surprisingly, however, we find that the crisis increased neither anti-immigrant sentiments nor critical attitudes toward the EU and did not reinforce the link between rejection of immigrants and rejection of the EU. These findings imply that even under a strong external shock, fundamental political attitudes remain constant.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311772997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Ponce

Gender emerges as a key site of contestation with respect to immigrants’ integration and public presence in Europe. The recent politicization of gender and Islam in immigration debates marks an increasingly salient constructed opposition between egalitarian European values and traditional immigrant cultures. Against this background, this study investigates how gender structures attitudes toward immigrants of different economic and cultural profiles. Prior research finds that women are usually less likely to exhibit anti-immigrant attitudes than are men. Using 2014 European Social Survey data, results show that women are no less likely to hold anti-immigrant attitudes. However, in a significant reversal of traditional gender patterns, women are more likely to hold targeted anti-Muslim attitudes. Further, social trust moderates this gendered anti-Muslim effect. I interpret findings as a shift in how gender structures xenophobia resulting from the increased salience of gender ideology as a boundary-defining feature and growing demonization of Muslims as gender inegalitarian.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akiva Weiss ◽  
Marina Tulin

Abstract High levels of immigration to Germany have led to increased interests in integration programs. Yet, it is unclear to what extent immigrant participation in integration programs affects attitudes toward immigrants among the host population. This article measures which immigrant attributes German respondents find desirable, and how these features interact with participation in a mentoring program with a local mentor. Mentoring is often employed to aid immigrant integration and typically focuses on psychosocial, social capital, and employment-related goals. Our results show that Germans prefer traits conducive to gainful employment. While migrant ethnicity had no significant effect, migrant religion was salient. Muslim immigrants were preferred less than immigrants of other religions, and this effect was stronger among respondents living in areas with higher support for far-right politics. Participation in a mentoring program increased migrant desirability both directly and indirectly by mitigating the negative effects of having lower levels of education, little work experience, not speaking German and being Muslim.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-98
Author(s):  
Elena Viktorova ◽  
◽  
Daria Petrenko ◽  

The article contains an analysis of the state of European and national identities of modern Europeans. The notion of identities is multi-dimensional and includes many elements. In the scientific discourse the process of the European identity formation is increasingly being considered as a part of the European integration process. Currently the elements of European identity are seen by Europeans as elements of their national, local and other identities. The examples of the Netherlands and Belgium considered in the article confirm this statement. Some researchers believe that the European identity is artificially constructed by political elites. These principles are defined in more details in the theories of neo-functionalism by Deutsch and Haas and the "Imagined Communities" by Anderson. The article considers both theories, as well as examples confirming these ideas. The main methods used in the study were the analysis of scientific literature and European legislation concerning the formation of European identity, and the analysis of statistical data from the Eurobarometer and the European Social Survey in 2016 and 2018. The results of the research confirm the fact that for most Europeans national identity is primary, however they also identify themselves as Europeans. In addition, residents of the EU countries sense a higher level of European identity than the residents of countries outside the EU. The lowest level of European identity is observed among citizens of Russia and Serbia. The results of the research contribute to an evaluation of the success of the political project for the European identity formation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Mitchell

Research investigating how social conditions influence attitudes about immigrants has focused primarily on demographic and economic factors as potential threat inducing contexts that lead to anti-immigrant sentiment. However, the empirical evidence supporting this link is mixed, while social cohesion indicators such as the influence of social trust, have largely been left unexamined. This article uses the European Social Survey (2002–2016) to test how differences in social trust, both within and between countries influence attitudes about immigrants. Results from longitudinal analyses show that countries with higher levels of social trust have more favorable attitudes toward immigrants, and while changes in social trust over time are small, they result in comparably large changes in anti-immigrant attitudes, even when controlling for other social factors. These results are robust across different model specifications and data sources.


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