scholarly journals Culture of Communication of Slovak Politicians

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-48
Author(s):  
Andrea Rysová

The term political culture involves a wide range of contexts and evokes a different spectrum of ideas, opinions, and definitions. Nowadays, perhaps slightly more than ever, we encounter views and statements that refer to the low level of political culture in our country. Many times, these are declarations that apply not only to specific political parties or politicians, but also to citizens, or even to the entire nation, which is (often by itself) described as having no political culture. And this notion, unfortunately, also harmfully affects the formation of our national identity as such; how we perceive ourselves, what patterns we adopt, and what standards we accept. In our paper, we focus on the culture of the Slovak political communication, while paying special attention to the linguistic utterances of selected representatives of the Slovak political scene. In this context, the language will act as a tool for communication between political representatives themselves, between political officials and citizens, but also as a tool of discussion on politics among people.

2006 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT GERWARTH

This article examines Weimar Germany's public controversy about the Republic's place in German history. In a period that was seen by many contemporaries as a time deprived of historical context, all political parties tried to legitimise their actions and aims through the construction of very different historical traditions. Based on a wide range of primary sources, the article seeks to analyse this ‘battle over the past’ within the broader context of Weimar's political culture and the Republic's struggle for survival.


Subject Party congresses' ratcheting up of political tensions. Significance Many of the divisions and problems present in executive, legislative, judicial and other institutions at all administrative levels in Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH) derive from structural weaknesses in the political scene and poor political culture. All main parties are likely to maintain or further radicalise their positions, destabilising an already difficult political situation. This, in turn, could bring down the reform agenda which is under a tight, year-end deadline, jeopardising financial liquidity and challenging an EU breakthrough. Impacts The easy re-election of party leaders with little or no opposition shows the continuing low level of democracy and political pluralism. Some parties' congress declarations clearly show the further advance of radical nationalist and separatist agendas. BiH's patronage system will continue to impair the capacities of political parties and the effectiveness of government institutions.


2018 ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Michael Kenny ◽  
Iain McLean ◽  
Akash Paun

This chapter examines whether, why and with what consequences there has been a disentangling of England from Britain in terms of its governance and national identity. The assumption has been that to distinguish between England and Britain risks destabilising the Union. However, the English seem dissatisfied with how they are governed, as demonstrated by support for Brexit, and less content for their nationhood to be poured into the larger vessel of Britishness. In response, the major UK political parties appear more willing to appeal to English national sentiment. But England has yet to engage in a reflective national conversation about its changing identity and its relationship with the rest of the UK and wider world. The fragmentary character of national consciousness in England, and deep divisions in its political culture, make it impossible to draw simple conclusions. This chapter sketches the outlines of a prospective research agenda on these issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-76
Author(s):  
Md. Al-Amin

This study attempts to explore the disparity in Bangali and ethnic political cultures in Bangladesh. Methodologically, Barishal Sadar and a village under this Upazila and a para of Rakhine community at Kalapara thana in Patuakhali district were taken as a case study to conduct an analysis of the disparity of political cultures between ethnic and Bangali communities in Bangladesh. It is observed from the analysis that there is a huge disparity between Rakhine and Bangali political cultures except in certain cases. In every case, Bangali people behave subjective and participative in communication with political issues, whereas Rakhine people behave parochially except on the question of objectives of the government, political parties and political rights in this regard. It is also observed that no specific political culture exists in Bangali communities, but the Rakhine community behaves parochially in every case. Therefore, in the case of Rakhine community, the concept of civic culture is not applicable but in the Bangali communities, there are no distinct political cultures, but rather a mixed one, which is termed as a civic culture. The causes of the parochial political culture of Rakhines are their dearth of education, backwardness, scarce of mobility as well as apathetic political communication.


Author(s):  
Emanuel-Ionuț Zanoschi

The current political scene is undergoing visible and often incomprehensible changes for the average person. The rise of new political forces is a topical issue, especially in the context of an ideological reconfiguration. Even if it is possible to play in a vast history, where ideological directions can be given, a specialist can observe that in several ocasions the political parties go beyond their own ideological boundaries to attract more voters and retain power. There are a number of new political forces, built on the fight against corruption and the anti-system in several states of the European Union. They often do not have a clear ideology, consisting of a wide range of members who do not share the principles of a common ideology. Some emerged in response to the populist danger that seemed to grip the European Union ahead of the European Parliament elections on May 26, 2019. Is it a closed path or are we preparing for a new paradigm in shaping political ideologies? I will try to give an answer in this article by going on a case study in Romania, regarding the last configurations of political parties. Is there a need to have a clear ideology, doctrine or the voters need to have a simple set of principles to support?


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-464
Author(s):  
Alevtina Vasilevna Kamitova ◽  
Tatyana Ivanovna Zaitseva

The paper reflects the specificity of the fundamental ideas of the artistic world of M. G. Atamanov, which includes a wide range of literary facts from the content level of the text of the works to their poetics. A particularly important role in the works of M. G. Atamanov is played by cross-cutting themes and images that reflect the author's individual style and his idea of national-ethnic identity. The subject of the research is the book of essays “Mon - Udmurt. Maly mynym vös’?” (“I am Udmurt. Why does it hurt?”), which most vividly reflected the main spiritual and artistic searches of M. G. Atamanov, associated with his ideas about the Udmurt people. The main motives and plots of the works included in the book under consideration are accumulated around the concept of “Udmurtness”. The comprehension of “Udmurtness” is modeled in his essays through specific leit themes: native language, Udmurt people, national culture, mentality, geographic and topographic features of the Udmurt people’ places of residence, the Orthodox idea. The “Udmurt theme” is recognized and comprehended by the writer through the prism of national identity.


Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 985-993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Cushion ◽  
Daniel Jackson

This introduction unpacks the eight articles that make up this Journalism special issue about election reporting. Taken together, the articles ask: How has election reporting evolved over the last century across different media? Has the relationship between journalists and candidates changed in the digital age of campaigning? How do contemporary news values influence campaign coverage? Which voices – politicians, say or journalists – are most prominent? How far do citizens inform election coverage? How is public opinion articulated in the age of social media? Are sites such as Twitter developing new and distinctive election agendas? In what ways does social media interact with legacy media? How well have scholars researched and theorised election reporting cross-nationally? How can research agendas be enhanced? Overall, we argue this Special Issue demonstrates the continued strength of news media during election campaigns. This is in spite of social media platforms increasingly disrupting and recasting the agenda setting power of legacy media, not least by political parties and candidates who are relying more heavily on sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter to campaign. But while debates in recent years have centred on the technological advances in political communication and the associated role of social media platforms during election campaigns (e.g. microtargeting voters, spreading disinformation/misinformation and allowing candidates to bypass media to campaign), our collection of studies signal the enduring influence professional journalists play in selecting and framing of news. Put more simply, how elections are reported still profoundly matters in spite of political parties’ and candidates’ more sophisticated use of digital campaigning.


1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
H. G. Nicholas

Elections satisfy both the practical and the theoretical requirements of classical democratic theory if they answer one question only: Who shall rule? Judged by this test the American elections of 7 November 1972 returned as clear and unequivocal an answer as the United States Constitution permits – crystal-clear as to individuals, equivocal as to parties and political forces. But the student of politics and society cannot resist treating elections as data-gathering devices on a wide range of other questions, on the state of the public mind, on the relative potency of pressure groups, on the internal health of the political parties, and, of course, on the shape of things to come. In this ancillary role American elections, despite the generous wealth of statistical material which they throw up – so much more detailed and categorized (though often less precise) than our own – Suffer in most years from one severe limitation, a limitation which in 1972 was particularly conspicuous; they do not engage the interest of more than a moderate percentage of the American citizenry. In 1972 that percentage was as low as 55 per cent, i.e. out of an estimated eligible population of 139,642,000 only 77,000,000 went to the polls. Since this circumscribes the conclusions which can be drawn from the results themselves, as well as constituting a phenomenon of considerable intrinsic interest, it seems worthwhile to begin any examination of the 1972 elections by an analysis not of the votes counted but of those which were never cast.


2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nugus

Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.


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