scholarly journals Locating Disparity in Political Culture in Bangladesh: A Comparative Study between Bangali and Rakhine Communities

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-76
Author(s):  
Md. Al-Amin

This study attempts to explore the disparity in Bangali and ethnic political cultures in Bangladesh. Methodologically, Barishal Sadar and a village under this Upazila and a para of Rakhine community at Kalapara thana in Patuakhali district were taken as a case study to conduct an analysis of the disparity of political cultures between ethnic and Bangali communities in Bangladesh. It is observed from the analysis that there is a huge disparity between Rakhine and Bangali political cultures except in certain cases. In every case, Bangali people behave subjective and participative in communication with political issues, whereas Rakhine people behave parochially except on the question of objectives of the government, political parties and political rights in this regard. It is also observed that no specific political culture exists in Bangali communities, but the Rakhine community behaves parochially in every case. Therefore, in the case of Rakhine community, the concept of civic culture is not applicable but in the Bangali communities, there are no distinct political cultures, but rather a mixed one, which is termed as a civic culture. The causes of the parochial political culture of Rakhines are their dearth of education, backwardness, scarce of mobility as well as apathetic political communication.

Author(s):  
Nik Nurhalida Nik Hariry Et.al

This study discusses the problems and solutions to cases that occur in Malaysia. The heritage should be preserved for the next generation's gaze. To protect the heritage, the government has enacted an act. Prior to the National Heritage Act 2005, there were several acts already adopted. However, it still does not cover the whole section or regulation that can protect, conserve, and preserve the heritage and culture. The objective of this study is to make a comparative study of legislation by selecting multiple countries. This study used a qualitative study methodology, which is a library study and previous case study. The comparison between countries would be an added value in the provision of national laws in an effort to protect the nation's heritage.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-298
Author(s):  
Lars Nord ◽  
Marie Grusell

Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture.


Author(s):  
Remi Chukwudi Okeke

This paper examines how the dominant political parties in a corruption-prone political system have been struggling for survival (and legitimacy) based on anti-corruption crusades and the attendant supports. The study has in the process, interrogated what may constitute the core concerns of the leading political parties, in such corruption-bedeviled polities. The investigation is fundamentally, a case study of the Nigerian state. Accordingly, the central research questions of the paper are as follows: How are the two dominant political parties in Nigeria brawling for survival? Attendant to the wrestles, what is the fate of good governance in the country? The study finds that while the two dominant political parties are engaged in the scuffle to survive, a national vacuum is in contradiction, created in the area of general political mobilization. It has been posited in the paper that political parties’ legitimacies are never constructed on single societal agenda. It is finally recommended in the work that while the government (in power) may be wedging wars against the debilitating sleaze in the system, the political parties (in order to survive and retain legitimacy) must continously engage in the articulation and aggregation of politically complementary programmes and actions. This would not only lead to the survival of the parties as political entities but in a generic dimension, lead to the critically desired national growth and survival in such countries, where corruption still presents the overriding national challenge. The methodology of the paper is logical argumentation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-459
Author(s):  
Kelum Jayasinghe ◽  
Christine M. Kenney ◽  
Raj Prasanna ◽  
Jerry Velasquez

PurposeThe paper illustrates how accountability of collaborative governance was constituted in the context of disaster managerial work carried out by the Government, local authorities, and Maori community organisations, after the 2010–2011 Canterbury earthquakes in New Zealand.Design/methodology/approachA case study detailing the communitarian approach to disaster recovery management by a nationalised Maori earthquake response network is contrasted with the formal emergency management infrastructure's response to the Canterbury earthquakes.FindingsCritical analysis of the effectiveness and failures of these approaches highlights the institutional and cultural political issues that hinder the institutionalization of collaborative and accountable governance in the fields of disaster risk reduction and emergency management.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper contributes to the accountability research and practice in general and disaster accountability in particular by addressing a more multifaceted model of ‘accountability combined with collaborative governance’ as a way to build on and critique some of the seemingly more narrow views of accountability.Originality/valueThe study presents rare insights on the interactions between formal and community level accountability and collaborative governance in the context of New Public Governance (NPG).


2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rens Vliegenthart

This article provides an analysis of Dutch election posters in the period from 1946 to 2006. Based on the literature on the professionalization of political communication, several hypotheses are formulated regarding changes in textual and visual elements of those posters. These hypotheses focus on over-time changes in the presence and prominence of the party leader and party logo’s as well as references to specific political issues and ideology in these posters. In total, 225 posters for 23 parties in 19 elections are analyzed. Results reveal that changes in visual elements are in line with the hypotheses, with an increased use of party logo, an increasing presence and prominence of the party leader, and a decreasing focus on ideology. The textual parts of the posters, however, show no or opposite trends. The results call for a more nuanced scientific treatment of the consequences of the professionalization of political communication and demonstrate the necessity to analyze both visual and textual elements of political parties’ communication.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mohamed Abdulla Mohamed Rameez ◽  
Aboobacker Rameez

Sri Lanka saw an unprecedented degree of anti-Muslim sentiment followed by violence perpetrated by certain extremist elements in recent years. This article primarily examines the implications of anti-Muslim violence that occurred from Aluthgama to Digana and the causes behind the violence. The article shows that anti-Muslim sentiment is manifested in several dimensions: campaigns against Halal, Muslim attire, cattle slaughter, and attacks on mosques and Muslim-owned businesses. This manifestation has resulted in violence against Muslims, causing massive damages to their properties. The study argues that fear of growing Muslim population, economic competition with Muslims, Mahavamsa mentality, and exceptionalism to Buddhist clergies, fear of Islam, and formation of ethnic-based political parties are the causes of anti-Muslim sentiment which later culminated in the form of violence. Therefore, the government needs to enforce law and order equally on all citizens and ensure a policy of multiculturalism and tolerance is strictly maintained.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 282
Author(s):  
Prilani Prilani ◽  
Setio Budi H Hutomo

The phenomenon of a single candidate in simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia has occurred since 2015. In 2018 there were 18 regional elections with a single candidate and 25 regions in 2020. The implementation of simultaneous regional elections in Kediri district in 2020 was marked by the presence of a single candidate is interesting to study more, because it is new. The main question in this research is why there is phenomenon a single candidate in the Kediri district election and how is the configuration of political communication for the emergence of a single candidate. The purpose of this study was to determine the process of the phenomenon emergence of a single candidate in the Kediri district election and to determine the configuration of political communication for the emergence of a single candidate. This research uses a case study approach by describing political facts in the field. Research informants are consisted of election administrators, members of political parties, academicians and community leaders. The results showed that the occurrence of a single candidate in the Kediri district was because all political parties provided support for 1 pair of candidates. This political fact is marked by the configuration of political communication through the recommendation of political parties from the central leadership council (DPP). Even though there has been a selection of prospective pairs of candidates at the regional level (DPC DPD), the transactional communication by candidatos uses an approach with a number of political party officials both at the regional and central levels. The recommendation of this research is to change the regulations to avoid the single candidate appear in the next regional election., especially the minimum requirement for support from candidates and the proposal to be returned to the election by DPRD members therefore would generate truly regional representatives. Fenomena calon tunggal pada pilkada serentak di Indonesia telah terjadi sejak tahun 2015 dengan 3 pasangan calon tunggal. Pada tahun 2018 terdapat 18 pilkada dengan calon tunggal hingga tahun 2020 ada sejumlah 25 daerah yang memiliki calon tunggal. Pelaksanaan pilkada serentak di kabupaten Kediri tahun 2020 diwarnai dengan hadirnya calon tunggal sehingga menarik untuk dikaji lebih mendalam karena merupakan fenomena baru bagi proses demokrasi di kabupaten Kediri. Masalah dalam penelitian ini, mengapa terjadi fenomena calon tunggal pada pilkada kabupaten Kediri dan bagaimana konfigurasi komunikasi politik atas munculnya calon tunggal pada pilkada kabupaten Kediri. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk mengetahui proses munculnya fenomena calon tunggal pada pilkada kabupaten Kediri dan untuk mengetahui konfigurasi komunikasi politik atas munculnya calon tunggal pada pilkada kabupaten Kediri. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan studi kasus dengan mendeskripsikan fakta politik dilapangan. Informan penelitian terdiri dari penyelenggara pilkada, anggota partai politik, akademisi dan tokoh masyarakat. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa terjadinya calon tunggal pada pilkada kabupaten Kediri tahun 2020 karena semua partai politik memberikan dukungan kepada 1 pasangan calon. Calon perseorangan tidak mampu memenuhi jumlah minimal dukungan yang dipersyaratkan. Fakta politik ini ditandai dengan adanya konfigurasi komunikasi politik melalui rekomendasi partai politik dari dewan pimpinan pusat (DPP). Meski sudah dilakukan penjaringan bakal pasangan calon di tingkat daerah/cabang (DPC/DPD). Komunikasi trasaksional oleh calon menggunakan pendekatan dengan sejumlah pengurus partai politik baik ditingkat daerah maupun pusat. Rekomendasi dari penelitian ini adalah perubahan peraturan agar tidak muncul calon tunggal pada pilkada selanjutnya terutama syarat minimal dukungan calon perseorangan serta usulan pemilihan kepala daerah dikembalikan kepada pemilihan oleh anggota DPRD. Rekomendasi ini diharapkan dapat memunculkan beberapa calon kepala daerah yang benar-benar merupakan representasi daerah.


Al'Adalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Muhamad Farhan

is one of the countries that embraces the system of democratic government. In a democratic state the people have sovereignty, this is done to ascertain who deserves to be a leader. The Party is an organization that represents the people and means of public participation to participate. Electoral parties compete for leadership seats (power) by strategizing to win them. Elections (elections) is the process of electing people to fill positions within government. The positions are diverse, ranging from the President, People's Representatives at various levels of government, to the Village Head. Elections as a means to participate in the people persuasively (not forced) to the government, so as to realize the principles of democracy in the implementation. Election is a means for political parties to place their cadres in strategic positions in government either executive (President, Governor, Regent, Mayor, etc.) or legislative (Regency, Provincial and Central DPRD) to seize power, not to mention Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) Jember district in the face of elections East Java area. various pilitical communication strategies are used to hook as many constituens for the achievment of goals. The formulation of the problem in this Thesis is: How is the communication strategy of the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the election of General Head of Region (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018. The purpose of this research is to describe the communication strategy used by the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the elections of Regional Head (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018 to get the constituents from Jember society which is quite diverse. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. With data collection method of observation and documentation. The research concludes that the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency divides its political communication strategy according to age ie political communication among young people and political communication among parents. Political communication among youth is done through the program of open together, coffee with PKB Jember, and halal bihalal. Whereas political communication among parents is implemented through the program of maintaining and maintaining the intensity of communication with leaders of both structural figures such as senior officials of an institution or mass organization or culture such as public figure.


Author(s):  
Ondřej Kuba ◽  
Jan Stejskal

In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Maiwan

The interest groups have a strategic position in society as a liaison between the community and government. Its presence to dynamic of political system. There are several types of interest groups, namely: Anomic groups; nonassosiasional; institutional; associational. The emergence of interest groups are going along with the rapid expansion of government's role in all areas of life. When expressing their interest to the government, interest groups use two ways: First, sell the issue to the political parties. Second, direct express their aspirations to the government. The method used is through; lobbying, mass media campaigns, as well as grass-roots pressure. The success to influence of the government depend on some aspects such as: Political culture, institutional structure, character and the party system, character and style in public policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document