Granice włoskiej drogi do federalizmu. Uwarunkowania ustrojowe, historyczno-doktrynalne i kulturowo-społeczne

2021 ◽  
Vol 5(166) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Rafał Lis

The aim of this article is to present the limitations of the possibilities of developing Italian federalism, resulting from both systemic and doctrinal conditions, as well as historical and socio-cultural ones. While the significant amendment of Title V of the Constitution of the Italian Republic in 2001 might indeed have heralded a further development in this direction, other relevant factors of Italian statehood did not favour it. Leaving aside the very issue of the limitations of the political system (understandable in the context of the historical and doctrinal choices of Italian statehood), which nevertheless ultimately deviates from federal solutions, it is necessary to mention above all the weaker – and less recognisable – position of the regions as potential components of federal-type sovereignty and the economic disparities between North and South, which are too large and too risky from a federalist perspective.

1989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantin Antonakis

The appearance of the new parliamentary life within the european parliament elected by direct universal franchise in june 1979. The first two turns of office saw the emergence of new political currents of european size. Via the ups and downs of european integration and the economic questions which are the community's member one concern, the new political european parliamentary game, determined by national interests and the decline of the ideological factor, comes to the fore. At least that's what the political powers of the north and south of the community put forward based on their national choices. Whereas the parliament demands an important role in the institutional system, the new european political system is looking more and more like the american model.


Author(s):  
Dmytro Filipenko

As the practice of referendum has considerable potential for legitimizing power, it is an integral part of the functioning of many political systems. This article applies a systematic approach in order to analyze this practice comprehensively and to examine the referendum processes in their integrity and interconnection. The formation of a new political system is considered as a synthesis of two components: the internal self-awareness of the identity of the political system itself and its separation from the external environment, the recognition of the system as the environment. The author of the article (using D. Eastonʼs reasoning) interprets it as the whole divided into two parts: internal – in society, and external – between the political system and other political systems (societies): the intra-society and extra-society external environment of the political system. These components (self-awareness and outward recognition) are shown to be crucial in the process of the development of the political system in the independent Ukraine. This is confirmed by the December 1, 1991 Referendum. The author analyzes the role of the aforementioned referendum in the formation of Ukraineʼs political system in the context of a systematic approach. He argues that the referendum was initiated due to a number of intra-society and extra-society requirements. Holding a referendum in support of independence became a comprehensive systemic response to systemic challenges and allowed to solve a whole set of problems of existence and further development of a political system of the independent Ukraine. Keywords: referendum on independence, political system of Ukraine, systemic approach, collapse of the USSR.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
O. S. Golovko

It’s been established that the results of scientific research on the place and functions of the presidential institution in the political system of democratic societies point to the existence of certain gaps and insufficient disclosure of the issues raised. The existence of an internal socio-political crisis and the need for the development of a democratic state based on the rule of law and the appropriateness of studying the issue of the balance of powers of state institutions within the framework of constitutional engineering have been confirmed. It is noted that at the present stage of state construction interest in the problem is dictated by the need to study the process of Ukraine’s consolidation as a state entity in the context of integration into the European community.The question of the place and basic functions of the presidential institution in the political systems of modern democratic societies is being investigated. It was established that achieving an effective checks and balances system for the institution of the president, the legislative branch and executive branch of power is one of the relevant factors for the successful development of the political and economic state system, the achievement of public harmony and the formation of a positive international image of the state.It is established that the constitutional basis determines the political legitimacy of the President’s actions, and also affects the degree of readiness of political and power subjects to agree to them or to support or deny them. However, the probability that an issued document will have the expected impact is determined, in most cases, by its constitutionality. The President provides the succession of the state, represents it in international relations, carries out management of foreign policy activities, negotiates and concludes international treaties of Ukraine. The president as a state institution appears to be active and influential in the system of power relations and state organization. The institute of presidency is intended to become a consolidating center and an arbiter between the branches of power.Based on the results of a comparative analysis of the presidency functional, a pragmatic approach to the formation of new principles of the national presidency mechanism in the context of the further development of the political system of society was proposed. The essence of this approach is in the need to ensure the dominance of constructive cooperation with other institutions of political power, primarily parliament and government. The expediency of introducing civilized methods of compromise search and a democratic solution to the political problems of social development in the system and practice the powers of the governing bodies is grounded, since the further development of the state will to a great extent be determined by the effectiveness and quality of the functioning of the presidential institution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana A Budko ◽  
Galina V Lukyanova

The perception of the image of the state by its citizens is believed to be one of the most promising areas for the study of political consciousness. When the object of the research is youth, the obtained data allow us to identify their main expectations from the further development of the country's political system. Basing on the results of six focus groups among students at St. Petersburg State University, in this paper we attempt to describe the image of ideal Russia in the minds of students. We have obtained results demonstrating that 1) the images of the country, the authorities, and the political leader are a kind of projection of the political processes and phenomena that are currently occurring in the world; 2) youth is characterized by categorical and inconsistent in their own views and evaluations; 3) along with patriotism, students feel a sense of responsibility for their future and the future of Russia.


Author(s):  
Flemming Mikkelsen

Based on a dataset of more than 5,000 contentious collective actions from 1700-2000, this paper examines the relation between popular protest and democratization of the Danish political system. The first wave of protests began in the 1830s and culminated in 1848 with the fall of absolutism and the transition to constitutional monarchy. The next protest wave from 1885 to 1887 arose from the so-called ‘constitutional struggle’ and mobilized hundreds of thousands of ordinary Danes, and contributed to the parliamentarization and nationalization of the political system. The third wave unfolded around the end of World War II, while the hitherto last wave of popular struggle erupted in 1968 with the youth rebellion. The analysis show that ‘democracy’ was the central issue of contention in all four of these protest waves, and support the main thesis that periods of intense interaction between popular protest and the state have had a decisive formative influence on the genesis and further development of Danish democracy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 219 (S 01) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Grünwald ◽  
M Beer ◽  
S Mamay ◽  
F Rupp ◽  
J Stupin ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Dung ◽  
Giang Khac Binh

As developing programs is the core in fostering knowledge on ethnic work for cadres and civil servants under Decision No. 402/QD-TTg dated 14/3/2016 of the Prime Minister, it is urgent to build training program on ethnic minority affairs for 04 target groups in the political system from central to local by 2020 with a vision to 2030. The article highlighted basic issues of practical basis to design training program of ethnic minority affairs in the past years; suggested solutions to build the training programs in integration and globalization period.


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