scholarly journals KONTRIBUSI KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DI LEGISLATIF DALAM INDEKS PEMBANGUNAN GENDER (IDG)

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-72
Author(s):  
Indra Kertati

             The Gender Empowerment Index (GDI) is a measure obtained from women's indicators in the legislature, professional women and women's income contribution. Of these three indicators, the position of women in the legislature is a massive inator that will only move once every 5 years. The regulation on political representation has been established since 2003 by setting a quota of 30%, but on the way up to 16 years the affirmative action has not been successful. The reason is the role of political parties is not optimal, female candidates are limited human resources and limited in the narrow nomination. The position of women's representation in the legislature contributes greatly in forming GDI. Women's contributions will be massive within 5 years. Therefore a strategic step is needed to collaborate between the power of political parties in promoting female candidates with political capital owned by women. Strong political parties have the opportunity to make this happen.

Author(s):  
Teoría y Realidad Constitucional

En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho Constitucional contestan un conjunto de preguntas sobre la representación política; y, más concretamente, sobre la representación política como forma de legitimación del Estado democrático, la crisis que actualmente atraviesa (debido al papel que desempeñan los partidos políticos y a los problemas en la relación entre los representantes y los representados), así como a las posibles vías de superar esta crisis.In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questions about political representation, and specifically about political representation as the way of legitimate the democratic state, its current crisis (the role of political parties, the problems in the representative relationship between electors and electeds…) and the proposed initiatives to overcome this crisis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.


2021 ◽  

Many contemporary party organizations are failing to fulfill their representational role in contemporary democracies. While political scientists tend to rely on a minimalist definition of political parties (groups of candidates that compete in elections), this volume argues that this misses how parties can differ not only in degree but also in kind. With a new typology of political parties, the authors provide a new analytical tool to address the role of political parties in democratic functioning and political representation. The empirical chapters apply the conceptual framework to analyze seventeen parties across Latin America. The authors are established scholars expert in comparative politics and in the cases included in the volume. The book sets an agenda for future research on parties and representation, and it will appeal to those concerned with the challenges of consolidating stable and programmatic party systems in developing democracies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130
Author(s):  
Yusrizal Yusrizal ◽  
Romi Asmara

The purpose of this study is to understand and explain the role of local political parties and their obstacles in supporting candidates for Regent/Deputy Regent of North Aceh. Descriptive qualitative research was employed in obtaining the data through interviews, observation, and documentation. Data analysis techniques are taken through data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and concluding (verification). The results reveal that one of the local political parties (Aceh Party) has provided support to the Regent/Deputy Regent candidate H. Muhammad Thaib/Fauzi Yusuf through political participation as a medium for conveying political aspirations between voters and the elected Regent/Deputy Regent candidate, with won victory in the election in 2017. The conclusion is that 3 local political parties (PA, PNA, and PDA) have provided support to four candidate pairs for Regent of North Aceh through political participation as a forum for aspiration and in the form of a successful team. Even though this support has been given, the role of local political parties has not been realized effectively, because there are still obstacles, so that it requires various improvements. The obstacles are low human resources and differences in perceptions resulting in internal conflict with local parties.


Res Publica ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-650
Author(s):  
Christophe Pelgrims

Handbooks of political science aften refer to the minister and the civil service as actors in the policy process. In theory, this representation is correct. However, in Belgium and in Flanders ministers construct a ministerial cabinet around them. The cabinet takes over different tasks from policy preparation to evaluation. In this respect, it reduces the civil service to an office that is only responsible for the implementation of policy.  Frequently political-historical reasons are used to explain the existence of the system of ministerial cabinets. Nevertheless, these are not the only reasons. Ministerial cabinets also exist because of organisational and cultural reasons. Understanding the ministerial cabinet, means understanding the way ministers want to work. This article highlights the way ministerial cabinets work, with a focus on Human Resources aspects. This gives information in which direction the civil service should move to fulfil the role of a good partner for the minister.


Author(s):  
ChandraSekhar Patro

In recent years, adoption of Information Technology (IT) mechanism has had an intense effect on Human Resources (HR) processes and practices. IT has revolutionized the way in which the organizations execute their day-to-day activities, particularly in the HRM domain, where technology has redefined the way in which HR departments perform their operational, relational and transformational functions. Organizations have realized the emergent value of using IT in leveraging their Human Resource functions and the way they function in the market. Today the organizations are facing more challenges than they ever did due to the rapid and dynamic growth of e-businesses which has lead companies to seek greater opportunities to run HR functions more effectively by implementing technology in the HRM. The chapter provides a conceptual framework on the role of IT in HRM. It examines the impact of technology on HR practices and the factors influencing the effectiveness of human resource dashboards. It also investigates the effect of technology on organizational and work force productivity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 139 (2-4) ◽  
pp. 349-364
Author(s):  
Eric Schliesser

This article shows how in The Good Society Walter Lippmann argues that the very idea of a liberalism worth having is a spiritual project: it involves a spiritual transformation over extended historical time even if the true destination is unknown or uncertain. Along the way, I argue that Lippmann is also acutely aware of the dangers of theorizing that merely affirms an imperfect (or worse) status quo. He is, thus, attractive for those who wish to revive liberalism. In addition, Lippmann’s sensitivity to the role of power and technological change generates a potentially important philosophy of law. This article sketches his understanding of a liberalism that embraces a “spirit of adaptation” without too much deference to a status quo. The second part shows that despite his sensitivity to the risks of demagogues in politics, Lippmann did not turn away from democratic politics. In particular, he has an attractive conception of the vital nature of a pluralist politics inherent to liberalism. Along the way the key limitation of Lippmann’s political philosophy is diagnosed: his depoliticized, juridical conception of political representation and legislation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Stadelmann ◽  
Marco Portmann ◽  
Reiner Eichenberger

Electoral systems determine the role that representatives’ party affiliations play in political representation. According to conventional expectations, party affiliation drives the behavior of representatives when they are elected under a proportional system, while majoritarian systems mute the role of party affiliation by forcing politicians to converge to the median position of their constituency. This study directly tests these predictions within a common party system by matching referenda decisions of constituents with voting behavior of their representatives who are elected either under a majoritarian or proportional system.


1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-495
Author(s):  
David Coombes

The object in trying to compare the relationship between trade unions and working-class political parties in these four countries was to see how far the relationship had changed in response to certain trends supposed to be common to the countries concerned. The trends were: (i) the changing role of working-class parties themselves; (ii) the decline of political representation, especially by parliamentary means, in favour of direct action; (iii) the growth of government in the social and economic sphere and increasing direct participation by trade unions in governmental decision-making. It was considered important to look at these countries together in view of their growing economic and political interdependence, in spite of fundamental differences among them which affect the roles both of political parties and of trade unions.


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