scholarly journals القيمة الفنّيّة للرّسائل السياسيّة في العصر الأمويّ / Aesthetical Values of Political Letters in the Umayyad Period

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Al-Awwal bin Ishaq ◽  
Munjid Mustapha Bahjat
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Literary Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Third ◽  
Umayyad Dynasty ◽  
Third Person ◽  
The Government ◽  
Aesthetic Structure ◽  
Selection Of

ملخص البحث: تعدّ الرّسائل السياسيّة في العصر الأمويّ فناً عربيّاً نثريّاً، عُرِفَ منذ أقدم العصور، وما زالت أهمّيّته قائمة إلى زماننا هذا؛ وهو فنّ معروف بالمراسلة والمكاتبة؛ أي النّصّ الّذي يخاطب الكاتبُ فيه الغائبَ عن طريق القلم، وبقيّة الأدوات الّتي تُسْتَخْدَمَ في الكتابة في تلك الفترة. وقد نهضت الرّسائل السياسيّة بالّدور الذي أنيط بها في تطوّر النّثر العربيّ، وبالتحديد في العصر الأمويّ، وأدّت إلى ظهور طبقة من الكتاب الّذين يمتلكون قوّة الأسلوب والثّقافة الواسعة، أمثال: عبد الحميد بن يحيى الكاتب، وأبو العلاء سالم بن عبد الله، وعبد الله بن معاوية بن عبد الله بن جعفر بن أبي طالب وغيرهم. وقد كانت هذه الرسائل تُستَخْدَمُ لقضاء التبعات السياسية للدولة، وقد تمت هذه المراسلات السياسية بين الحزب الأمويّ الحاكم، وبين الأحزاب المعارضة، كالشيعة، والخوارج، والزبيريين. وطبيعي أن تكون لهذه الرسائل قيمتها الفنية والأدبية التي ميّزتها، بدءاً من الرسائل التي توالت بعد مقتل الخليفة عثمان بن عفان رضي الله عنه، وخلافة أمير المؤمنين عليّ رضي الله عنه، والفتن التي حدثت في زمن الصحابة، حتى استقرّ الحكم الأمويّ لأول خليفة، وهو معاوية بن أبي سفيان رضي الله عنه، إلى آخر خلفاء بني أمية، وهو مروان بن محمد (41-123ه). وجدت الدراسة أن الرسائل السياسية في العصر الأموي قد امتازت بخصائص فنية تتعلق بموضوع الرسالة، وافتتاحها بالبسملة، وذكر التحميدات والثناء على الله تعالى، وعنوان الرسالة، والفصل بين المقدمة والمضمون والخاتمة، وتذييل الرسالة، واستعمال الجمل الدعائية والاعتراضية، وتميزت الرسائل بجزالة الألفاظ وترادفها، وروعة التصوير الفني والإيجاز أو الإسهاب في بعض آخر، مع أداء الغرض واستيفائه بأسلوب عربي فصيح، والوضوح، والفصاحة، والاقتباس من القرآن الكريم، والتمثّل بالشعر العربي، وغير ذلك. وتتجلّى القيمة الفنّيّة من خلال محورين، بناء الرسالة، والخصائص الأسلوبية. الكلمات المفتاحية: الرسائل السياسية- العصر الأموي- الرسائل الديوانية- الأحزاب السياسية- البناء الفني.   Abstract: Political letters in the Umayyad Period were regarded as an Arabic prosaic literary form that were well known since earlier time and still have their significance in present time. It is also known as the art of correspondence when the writer was addressing a third person using the means available during that time. This type of letter had contributed significantly in developing the prosaic Arabic style in particular during the Umayyad period which eventually witnessed a growing number of writers with sound stylistic ability and a high end Arabic culture such as: ‘Abdul Hamid Yahya al-Katib, Abu al-‘Ala Salim bin ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah bin Mu’awiyah bin Ja’far bin Abi Talib and others. The letters were meant to contain political consequences of the government. These correspondences took place between the ruling Umayyad dynasty and their opponents such as the Shiite, Khawarij and the supporters of Zubair. The letters had their own literary characteristics from the beginning of the assassinations of the third Caliph ‘Uthman bin al-‘Affan and ‘Ali bin Abi Talib; the political disputes and conflicts during the time of the Companions of the Prophet right until the fall of Caliphate in the hands of the Umayyads, beginning with Mua’wiyah as the first Caliph until the last Caliph, Marwan bin Muhammad. The study concluded that the letters were characterized by having the following: theme, opening with Basmalah, praising Allah, topic, separation between introduction, content and conclusion, appendices, use of prayer expressions and explanatory sentence within a sentence.  They also used very formal wording with frequency of synonyms, brief and excellent in their imageries with an occasional lengthy diversions, fulfilling their purposes with the most fluent and precise selection of words, clear in their objectives, resorting to Quranic Verses and poems as quotations and others. The aesthetical values were apparent through two distinct themes: the structure of the letters and the characteristics of their styles.   Keywords: Political letters – Umayyad Period – Governmental Letters – Political parties – Aesthetic structure.   Abstrak: Surat-surat bertemakan politik di zaman Umayyah dianggap sebagai satu bentuk sastera yang telah lama dikenali dan masih lagi mempunyai kepentingannya pada masa ini. Ia juga dianggap sebagai seni dalam rangka hubungan apabila penulis menujukan suratnya kepada pihak ketiga dengan menngunakan cara-cara yang terdapat di zaman tersebut. Hasil persuratan sedemikian telah menyumbang kepada perkembangan stail prosa bahasa Arab terutamanya pada era Umayyad. Beberapa tokoh terkenal juga muncul sebagai penulis tersohor penulisan sebegini: ‘Abdul Hamid Yahya al-Katib, Abu al-‘Ala Salim bin ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah bin Mu’awiyah bin Ja’far bin Abi Talib dan lain-lain. Surat-surat tersebut biasanya bertujuan untuk menangani kesan-kesan konflik politik yang timbul terhadap pemerintah. Surat menyurat tersebut adalah di antara Kerajaan Umayyah dan pihak pembangkang dan musuh-musuh politik mereka seperti pihak Syiah, Khawarij dan penyokong ‘Abdullah bin Zubair. Surat-surat tersebut mempunyai identiti kesusasteraannya yang tersendiri bermula daripda pembunuhan Kahlifah ‘Uthman bin ‘Affan dan Saiyidina ‘Ali sehinggalah kepada konflik dalam kalangan para sahabat sehinggalah jatuhnya Khilafah ke tangan Bani Umayyah, bermula dengan Mua’wiyah dan berakhir dengan Khalifah Marwan bin Muhammad. Kajian ini merumuskan bahawa surat-surat tersebut mempunyai sifat dan karakter tersendiri seperti: tema, pembukaan dengan Bismillah, tajuk, perbezaan di antara pengenalan, kandungan dan kesimpulan, lampiran, uncapan doa’ dan ayat-ayat penerangan apitan. Laras bahasanya amat rasmi dengan penggunaan berulang perkataan dan frasa seerti; ujarannya ringkas tetapi padat; perlambangan digunakan secara meluas; kadang-kadang ayat –ayatnya panjang meleret namun secara umumnya penggunaan bahasanya amat lancar dan tepat. Tujuannya jelas, petikan daripada ayat-ayat Al-Quran dan puisi Arab turut mencorakkan surat-surat tersebut. Nilai astetika persuratan ini terserlah dalam dua aspek penting: struktur surat-surat tersebut dan ciri-ciri stail bahasanya.   Kata kunci: Surat-surat politik– Zaman Kerajaan Umayyah– Watikah Kerajaan– Kumpulan-kumpulan politik– Struktur astetika.

scholarly journals Problematika Kelembagaan Partai Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-122
Author(s):  
Novi Winarti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Formal Representation ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Recruitment And Selection ◽  
And Control ◽  
Selection Of

Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values ​​/ ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.

scholarly journals STUDI GERAKAN IDEOLOGI PARTAI POLITIK PADA PEMILU 2019

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Iswandi Iswadi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
Religious Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Third ◽  
Religious Issues

  The ideology contestation is basically a classic polemic, where after independence the ideology of Islam was confronted with nationalism and took root until now (reform). However, the momentum of the 2019 election political contestation was again marked by the struggle of ideology namely ideology of Islamism and nationalism. The polemic began with the emergence of religious issues that were raised on the surface of political actors as a hegemony in taking the sympathy of voters. The existence of religion as a central issue began in 2016-2017 related to the prosecution of Ahok who insulted religious values ​​(Islam), and among the political parties involved in the demonstrations namely PPP, PKS, PBB, and PKB. In that momentum the beginning of the revival of Islamic ideology as the power in defending Islamic sovereignty. Judging from the ideology of political parties in Indonesia in the 2019 election political contestation, the ideology of political parties based on the statutes and bylaws (AD / ART) that the ideology applied can be classified into three parts namely ideology Nationalism, Islamism, and Nationalist-Religious, and the three ideologies. This can be proven based on the results of a survey from Australia 2017-2018 based on the voters. However, political parties based on multiple ideologies, PAN, PKB and Democrats, each have priority orientation. PAN and PKB tend to polarize the values ​​of Islamism (religious), while Democrats are more dominated by nationalist issues. The concept of Islamic political ideology, in the context of political contestation in political party elections, is basically a necessity to implement the values ​​of ri'ayah, taqwin, irshad and ta'dib through political education, or campaign in elections to achieve mutual benefit, both parties whose ideology Islamism, nationalism and nationalist-religious, so as to build the moralistic side of society, and intelligence in responding to the issues that exist in the election apart from that, political parties in confronting political contestation the emphasis of the movement must reflect the value of poverty, the three ideologies have been packaged in the values ​​of Pancasila in the third principles of Indonesian unity.         Asbtak Kontestasi ideology pada dasarnya polemik klasik, dimana pasca kemerdekaan ideologi islam dihadapkan dengan nasionalisme dan mengakar sampai sampai saat ini (reformasi). Akan tetapi momentum pemilu 2019 kontestasi politik kembali diwarnai pergulatan ideology yakni ideology islamisme dan nasionalisme. Polemik tersebut berawal dengan mencuatnya isu keagamaan yang dimunculkan dipermukaan pelaku politik sebagai hegemoni dalam mengambil simpati  pemilih. Eksistensi agama sebagai sentral isu berawal tahun 2016-2017 terkait penuntutan terhadap ahok yang melecehkan nilai-nilai agama (islam), dan diantara partai politik yang terlibat dalam demonstrasi yakni PPP, PKS, PBB, dan PKB. Dalam momentum tersebut awal mencuatnya kembali ideologi islam sebagai of the power dalam mempertahan kedaulatan Islam. Menilik ideologis partai politik di Indonesia pada konstestasi politik pemilu 2019, ideology partai politik berdasarkan anggaran dasar dan anggaran rumah tangga (AD/ART) bahwa ideologi yang diterapkan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian yakni ideology Nasionalisme, Islamisme, dan Nasionalis-Religius, dan ketiga ideology tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan berdasarkan hasil survey dari asutralia 2017-2018 berdasarkan pemilih. Namun demikian partai poltik yang berasaskan ideologi ganda, PAN, PKB dan Demokrat, masing-masing memiliki kiblat prioritas. PAN dan PKB condong polarisasi nilai-nilai islamisme (religious), sedangkan Demokrat lebih didominasi oleh isu-isu nasionalis. Konsep ideology politik islam, dalam konsteks kontestasi politik dalam pemilu partai politik pada dasarnya sebuah keharusan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai ri’ayah, taqwin, irsyad dan ta’dib melalui pendidikan politik, ataupun kampanye dalam pemilu guna mencapai kemaslahatan bersama, baik partai yang berideologi islamisme, nasionalisme dan nasionalis-religius, sehingga terbangun sisi moralistik masyarakat, dan kecerdasan dalam menanggapi isu-isu yang ada dalam pemilu. selain dari itu partai politik dalam menghadapi konstestasi politik penekanan gerakannya harus mencermikan nilai kemaslahan, ketiga ideology tersebut telah kemas dalam nilai-nilai pancasila pada sila ketiga persatuan Indonesia. 

scholarly journals The War Against Public Forgetfulness:Commemorating 1812 in Canada

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Eamon
Keyword(s):  
War Of 1812 ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
Departure Point ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Political Battle

In October 2011, the Government of Canada began a two-year, nation-wide celebration of the bicentenary of the War of 1812. The widely-criticized initiative returned the public eye to a traditional ‘interpretive tableau’ of war heroes, namely Isaac Brock, Tecumseh, Charles de Salaberry and Laura Secord. While the scope and expense of the federal government’s efforts have been unprecedented, the political battle to maintain certain memories of the War is one that is not new. A struggle against the forgetfulness of Canadians, and particularly young Canadians, has animated commemorations of the War for almost two centuries. Looking at a selection of past commemorative efforts this essay explores how the inertia of a traditional tableau of heroes has tended to overshadow other narratives and newer interpretations. Yet all is not lost. Using the example of the author’s exhibition, Faces of 1812, it is suggested that publicly-constructed histories can be employed as a useful departure point for the public historian and provide a foundation from which the public can obtain a broader, more critical perspective on both the commemorated events and history writ large.

Slovenia

2019 ◽  
pp. 475-521
Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Tomaž Krpič
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Dropping Out ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
The Government

Under the proportional representation (PR) electoral system in Slovenia, after elections, coalition governments have formed. However, the coalition partners have also adopted a ‘dropping out from government’ strategy between elections, which in some cases has led to minority governments. This has occurred despite a frequent use of several conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms. One such mechanism, coalition agreements, are mostly understood in terms of policy agreements. After each election in the period 1992–2000, the leading party, the LDS, signed a coalition agreement with each coalition partner. Since 2013, such coalition agreements include a mechanism of explicitly stating in coalition agreements that certain issues are to be avoided. Regardless, governments termination in majority cases happened due to different (policy or personal) conflicts within the government. Early in the period, government coalitions were ideologically mixed. This was characteristic for governments under LDS leadership from 1992 to 2004, while after the 2004 elections, the governmental coalitions were much more ideologically homogenous. Alternation between like-minded ideological coalitions (centre-left or centre-right) took place. Simultaneously, the main lines of conflict changed. In the 1990s, initially a mostly ideological cleavage between ‘transformed’ and ‘newly established’ political parties was present, while after the 2004 elections, the economic cleavage became more salient. All parliamentary parties, except the Slovenian National Party, have at least briefly participated in governments, while the Democratic Party of Retired Persons have been since the mid-1990s the party with the biggest coalition potential. Since 2011, small parties have received pivotal roles in coalition formation. Generally speaking, participation in the government has not been electorally rewarding for the political parties.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Literary Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Disaffection ◽  
Opening Section

Disaffected Parties offers a prehistory for modern political disaffection that underscores literature’s importance as a means of thinking about a diverse array of relationships with politics, in this period and beyond. The Introduction lays out some of the historical frameworks and changing conceptions of politics—including the understandings of disaffection and the expanded conception of political parties—employed in the book, while also looking to the wider questions posed by the disaffected stance and its bearing on the status of the literary. The opening section explores the political valences of disaffection from the mid-seventeenth century down to the present, employing the term’s historical and conceptual proximity to terms including disinterest, dissent, and indifference to reflect on the prospect of a literature of disaffection (defined by its aspiration to absolute withdrawal and disinterest, but also animated by disavowed investments). The Introduction goes on to explain the historical rationale for the book and to outline the book’s approach to literary form.

The Tax Farming System in the Early Bangkok Period

1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-399
Author(s):  
Hong Lysa
Keyword(s):  
Coming Of Age ◽  
Farming System ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
The Political ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
The Third ◽  
Revenue Collection ◽  
Tax Farming ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
The Government

When King Chulalongkorn surveyed his realm on his second coronation in 1873 to mark the termination of the five-year regency at his coming of age, he saw much that was in need of reform. The king's assessment was that the monarch was but a figurehead; the existing framework of government was actually run by the leading nobility, foremost of whom were the regent and his family who wielded power based on their long dominance over the key administrative posts and the economic benefits that accrued from their official positions. From Chulalongkorn's viewpoint, the regent's family, which reached the pinnacle of its power during the regency of Chuang Bunnag (1868–73), dominated the bureaucracy, in effect controlled the administration of the country, and enriched itself with great facility at the expense of the king and the country. Through the political patronage that they extended to the tax farmers, the officials had assumed control of the tax farming system, the most pervasive method of revenue collection that was employed in the kingdom since the Third Reign. The germ of King Chulalongkorn's historic reform of the administrative system, restructured along rational, functional lines, thus lay in his desire to regain control over the government and economy, which had been gradually slipping out of the Crown's grip since the reign of his father, King Mongkut. The king was determined not to allow the situation to persist where substantial revenue from the tax farms was being channelled into the coffers of the leading noble families and the tax farmers themselves, to the detriment of the state.

Reading Geographical Names as Text: Refiguring the “Living Archive” in Postcolonial South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-56
Author(s):  
Veronica Ehrenreich-Risner
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Power Shifts ◽  
Boundary Making ◽  
The Government ◽  
Usable Past ◽  
Selection Of

Geographical renaming as a methodology to deconstruct power shifts in South Africa allows for inclusion of silenced and marginalized voices from the country's recent past. This article examines the symbolic power of the state, as well as of the processes of boundary-making under the lens of place renaming with a focus on the province of Gauteng. The article introduces the phrase “living archive” to unpack South Africa's changing perceptions of who is oppressor and who is oppressed in the ongoing transition to democratic governance. The article employs the renaming of sites as a metanarrative to reveal a nuanced picture of the political shifts in power. Through the selection of particular facts as usable past, the article argues, the government seeks to identify who is worthy of the role of hero or victim in post-apartheid South Africa.

Dynamics of Selection of Regional Heads in Indonesia in the Reformation Era

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1490
Author(s):  
Fifiana WISNAENI
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
National Development ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Selection Of

The regional head as the organizer of the government in the region is also an extension of the central government, has a pretty heavy task, therefore in order for the State's goals to be achieved, regional heads must be chosen that are truly credible, qualified and qualified, so that it can bring success to regional development in carrying out government affairs as mandated by the Act, which will ultimately have a positive impact, in the form of support for national development. This research is intended to examine, criticize and analyze which are expected to provide solutions related to the development of the authority to form laws in the constitutional system of the Republic of Indonesia. The formulation of the problem in this study are the dynamics of regional elections in Indonesia in the reformation era and the implications of the dynamics of regional elections in the Indonesian constitutional system. The method of approach used in this study is normative juridical, which is an approach that uses the positivist concept which states that law is identical with written norms created and enacted by authorized institutions or officials. The dynamics of regional head elections in Indonesia in the Reformation era include the conditions for pairs of candidates for regional head elections and the mechanism for regional head elections. Pairs of regional head candidates must be proposed by political parties or a combination of eligible political parties.  

IMF lending will prod Ukraine to sustain reforms

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Capital ◽  
Content Type ◽  
International Capital Markets ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Government

Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.

Opposition in Asian Constitutional Systems: Characteristics and Potential for Democratic Consolidation

1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Cotton
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Government ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Continuum

The Analysis of Opposition in Asian Political Systems raises acute problems of definition. At one end of a continuum lie those polities in which an ‘opposition’ is either inconceivable (North Korea is perhaps the best example) or inevitably in a state of war or confrontation with the regime (as is the case in Burma/Myanmar). In cases at this end of the continuum opposition cannot be democratic in the systemic sense, unless the opposition realizes its programme and becomes a democratic government. At the other end of the continuum, however, the character, standing and potential of ‘opposition’ is very much a matter of debate. In these systems a multiplicity of non-governing political parties exist, and these parties contest elections and send members to legislatures, though they often operate under rules (informal as well as formal) and conditions which tend to prevent them from gaining power. The focus of this article will be upon these systems, which are here labelled – whether parliamentary or presidential – ‘constitutional’. ‘Constitutional’ is understood as entailing the existence of an embedded and more or less regularly operating set of electoral mechanisms which plays an essential part in the selection of the government.

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