Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard

Disaffected Parties offers a prehistory for modern political disaffection that underscores literature’s importance as a means of thinking about a diverse array of relationships with politics, in this period and beyond. The Introduction lays out some of the historical frameworks and changing conceptions of politics—including the understandings of disaffection and the expanded conception of political parties—employed in the book, while also looking to the wider questions posed by the disaffected stance and its bearing on the status of the literary. The opening section explores the political valences of disaffection from the mid-seventeenth century down to the present, employing the term’s historical and conceptual proximity to terms including disinterest, dissent, and indifference to reflect on the prospect of a literature of disaffection (defined by its aspiration to absolute withdrawal and disinterest, but also animated by disavowed investments). The Introduction goes on to explain the historical rationale for the book and to outline the book’s approach to literary form.

2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422098111
Author(s):  
Cristina Del-Castillo-Feito ◽  
Gabriel Cachón-Rodríguez ◽  
Iria Paz-Gil

According to political science, modern societies can separate the state function and the politicians’ mission. However, the existing relationship between political disaffection and state legitimacy indicates the contrary. The interest held by the European Union inhabitants in their politicians has been decreasing, and the closeness to a specific political party or political leader has been weakening. Many European countries have a great degree of polarity in their political parties’ system, which augments the complexity of forming governments or even makes it impossible. Citizens have been affected by corruption, the economic situation, migratory crisis, or the European project weakness. They feel that politicians have forgotten their role as the people’s representatives and their responsibility to behave according to society’s general interest. Through its institutions, the state must ensure the country’s performance and maintain it despite the change in the political leaders. Moreover, its legitimacy will depend on the level of social support received by these institutions. This research aims to quantify if the current political disaffection influences the European Union states’ social support level or state legitimacy. It also expects to demonstrate which sociodemographic and psychographic variables influence on governments’ fragility and the dilution of state legitimacy, which is critical for countries’ stability. For this purpose, we used the available data from the European Social Survey for 2016, and we developed a statistical analysis through variation and regression analysis. The results highlight the strong effect that political disaffection, as well as variables such as religion, immigration perception, citizenship, or emotional state have on state legitimacy and reveal the need for changes in the political parties’ performance and behavior to maintain the countries’ stability.


2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vahram Petrosian

AbstractThe article examines the question of the Assyrian identity; certain problems pertaining to the history of the Assyrian-Kurdish relationships; the problem of the Assyrian autonomy; the role of the political parties of the Iraqi Assyrians; the status of the Assyrians in Iraqi Kurdistan; the Assyrians after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and several other issues.


2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 297-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Timmons

AbstractThe case of three women from Bideford, Devon, tried and executed for witchcraft in 1682, provides a unique glimpse into the interaction between popular culture, print media, and political parties of the Exclusion Crisis era. The judicial records of the case are fairly limited, contained only in missives from the Calendar State Papers Domestic, and the memoirs of the trial judge. Publishers in London, however, provided a much greater range of source material to the reading public, including a heavily edited transcript of depositions that created the accepted version of the proceedings, and entirely fictitious accounts that bore little relation to the actual events. The needs of both the print media and the political parties distorted the actual incidents of the case, but provided the only memory of it for popular culture.


1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Ward

The debate between scientific realists and postmodern relativists has been generally treated as a philosophical disagreement over the status of epistemology. Here, however, I use material from Bourdieuian social theory and science and technology studies to illustrate how both scientific realism and postmodern deconstructionism can be seen as political and organizational strategies used in the historical and ongoing struggle between scientific and literary fields and camps. I argue that just as scientific realism and experimentalism were used to dismiss the knowledge contributions of literary fields and to relegate them to secondary status in the seventeenth century, postmodern deconstructionism and its turn to rhetoric and textualism is now being employed as a strategy to counter the political and intellectual dominance gained by the sciences over the last few centuries.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Al-Awwal bin Ishaq ◽  
Munjid Mustapha Bahjat

ملخص البحث: تعدّ الرّسائل السياسيّة في العصر الأمويّ فناً عربيّاً نثريّاً، عُرِفَ منذ أقدم العصور، وما زالت أهمّيّته قائمة إلى زماننا هذا؛ وهو فنّ معروف بالمراسلة والمكاتبة؛ أي النّصّ الّذي يخاطب الكاتبُ فيه الغائبَ عن طريق القلم، وبقيّة الأدوات الّتي تُسْتَخْدَمَ في الكتابة في تلك الفترة. وقد نهضت الرّسائل السياسيّة بالّدور الذي أنيط بها في تطوّر النّثر العربيّ، وبالتحديد في العصر الأمويّ، وأدّت إلى ظهور طبقة من الكتاب الّذين يمتلكون قوّة الأسلوب والثّقافة الواسعة، أمثال: عبد الحميد بن يحيى الكاتب، وأبو العلاء سالم بن عبد الله، وعبد الله بن معاوية بن عبد الله بن جعفر بن أبي طالب وغيرهم. وقد كانت هذه الرسائل تُستَخْدَمُ لقضاء التبعات السياسية للدولة، وقد تمت هذه المراسلات السياسية بين الحزب الأمويّ الحاكم، وبين الأحزاب المعارضة، كالشيعة، والخوارج، والزبيريين. وطبيعي أن تكون لهذه الرسائل قيمتها الفنية والأدبية التي ميّزتها، بدءاً من الرسائل التي توالت بعد مقتل الخليفة عثمان بن عفان رضي الله عنه، وخلافة أمير المؤمنين عليّ رضي الله عنه، والفتن التي حدثت في زمن الصحابة، حتى استقرّ الحكم الأمويّ لأول خليفة، وهو معاوية بن أبي سفيان رضي الله عنه، إلى آخر خلفاء بني أمية، وهو مروان بن محمد (41-123ه). وجدت الدراسة أن الرسائل السياسية في العصر الأموي قد امتازت بخصائص فنية تتعلق بموضوع الرسالة، وافتتاحها بالبسملة، وذكر التحميدات والثناء على الله تعالى، وعنوان الرسالة، والفصل بين المقدمة والمضمون والخاتمة، وتذييل الرسالة، واستعمال الجمل الدعائية والاعتراضية، وتميزت الرسائل بجزالة الألفاظ وترادفها، وروعة التصوير الفني والإيجاز أو الإسهاب في بعض آخر، مع أداء الغرض واستيفائه بأسلوب عربي فصيح، والوضوح، والفصاحة، والاقتباس من القرآن الكريم، والتمثّل بالشعر العربي، وغير ذلك. وتتجلّى القيمة الفنّيّة من خلال محورين، بناء الرسالة، والخصائص الأسلوبية. الكلمات المفتاحية: الرسائل السياسية- العصر الأموي- الرسائل الديوانية- الأحزاب السياسية- البناء الفني.   Abstract: Political letters in the Umayyad Period were regarded as an Arabic prosaic literary form that were well known since earlier time and still have their significance in present time. It is also known as the art of correspondence when the writer was addressing a third person using the means available during that time. This type of letter had contributed significantly in developing the prosaic Arabic style in particular during the Umayyad period which eventually witnessed a growing number of writers with sound stylistic ability and a high end Arabic culture such as: ‘Abdul Hamid Yahya al-Katib, Abu al-‘Ala Salim bin ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah bin Mu’awiyah bin Ja’far bin Abi Talib and others. The letters were meant to contain political consequences of the government. These correspondences took place between the ruling Umayyad dynasty and their opponents such as the Shiite, Khawarij and the supporters of Zubair. The letters had their own literary characteristics from the beginning of the assassinations of the third Caliph ‘Uthman bin al-‘Affan and ‘Ali bin Abi Talib; the political disputes and conflicts during the time of the Companions of the Prophet right until the fall of Caliphate in the hands of the Umayyads, beginning with Mua’wiyah as the first Caliph until the last Caliph, Marwan bin Muhammad. The study concluded that the letters were characterized by having the following: theme, opening with Basmalah, praising Allah, topic, separation between introduction, content and conclusion, appendices, use of prayer expressions and explanatory sentence within a sentence.  They also used very formal wording with frequency of synonyms, brief and excellent in their imageries with an occasional lengthy diversions, fulfilling their purposes with the most fluent and precise selection of words, clear in their objectives, resorting to Quranic Verses and poems as quotations and others. The aesthetical values were apparent through two distinct themes: the structure of the letters and the characteristics of their styles.   Keywords: Political letters – Umayyad Period – Governmental Letters – Political parties – Aesthetic structure.   Abstrak: Surat-surat bertemakan politik di zaman Umayyah dianggap sebagai satu bentuk sastera yang telah lama dikenali dan masih lagi mempunyai kepentingannya pada masa ini. Ia juga dianggap sebagai seni dalam rangka hubungan apabila penulis menujukan suratnya kepada pihak ketiga dengan menngunakan cara-cara yang terdapat di zaman tersebut. Hasil persuratan sedemikian telah menyumbang kepada perkembangan stail prosa bahasa Arab terutamanya pada era Umayyad. Beberapa tokoh terkenal juga muncul sebagai penulis tersohor penulisan sebegini: ‘Abdul Hamid Yahya al-Katib, Abu al-‘Ala Salim bin ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah bin Mu’awiyah bin Ja’far bin Abi Talib dan lain-lain. Surat-surat tersebut biasanya bertujuan untuk menangani kesan-kesan konflik politik yang timbul terhadap pemerintah. Surat menyurat tersebut adalah di antara Kerajaan Umayyah dan pihak pembangkang dan musuh-musuh politik mereka seperti pihak Syiah, Khawarij dan penyokong ‘Abdullah bin Zubair. Surat-surat tersebut mempunyai identiti kesusasteraannya yang tersendiri bermula daripda pembunuhan Kahlifah ‘Uthman bin ‘Affan dan Saiyidina ‘Ali sehinggalah kepada konflik dalam kalangan para sahabat sehinggalah jatuhnya Khilafah ke tangan Bani Umayyah, bermula dengan Mua’wiyah dan berakhir dengan Khalifah Marwan bin Muhammad. Kajian ini merumuskan bahawa surat-surat tersebut mempunyai sifat dan karakter tersendiri seperti: tema, pembukaan dengan Bismillah, tajuk, perbezaan di antara pengenalan, kandungan dan kesimpulan, lampiran, uncapan doa’ dan ayat-ayat penerangan apitan. Laras bahasanya amat rasmi dengan penggunaan berulang perkataan dan frasa seerti; ujarannya ringkas tetapi padat; perlambangan digunakan secara meluas; kadang-kadang ayat –ayatnya panjang meleret namun secara umumnya penggunaan bahasanya amat lancar dan tepat. Tujuannya jelas, petikan daripada ayat-ayat Al-Quran dan puisi Arab turut mencorakkan surat-surat tersebut. Nilai astetika persuratan ini terserlah dalam dua aspek penting: struktur surat-surat tersebut dan ciri-ciri stail bahasanya.   Kata kunci: Surat-surat politik– Zaman Kerajaan Umayyah– Watikah Kerajaan– Kumpulan-kumpulan politik– Struktur astetika.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Anderson ◽  
Aida Just

We investigate the partisan foundations of political legitimacy. We argue that the goals parties pursue shape their supporters’ views about the political system via the messages they communicate about the desirability of the political system. Combining public opinion survey data collected in 15 democracies with data on the goal orientations and policy positions of 116 political parties, we find that office-seeking parties take more positive positions toward the status quo of the political regime than policy-seeking parties. Moreover, we find that these positions have consequences. Specifically, supporters of parties with more positive positions toward the system report systematically higher levels of support than supporters of parties that communicate more negative views. Taken together, these findings suggest that political parties play an active role in shaping citizens’ views of the political system and that office-seeking parties in particular mobilize consent among citizens in contemporary democracies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Cláudia Elias Duarte

The political writings of two English philosophers of the seventeenth century – James Tyrrell and John Locke – devote a considerable part of their thought to the rebuttal of Sir Robert Filmer’s patriarchalism. Both defend, as an alternative to an absolute political power based on the paternal right of the king, a government established by the consent of those who are governed; and both assume the topic of primogeniture as central in their counter-arguments against patriarchalism. The present article intends to focus on the anti-patriarchalism arguments devoted to the second topic. Mainly, it tries to identify the reason that may be behind the choice of Sir Robert’s critics to deny a right of primogeniture, when that right was in force in their country in the seventeenth century. Departing from the assumption that, then, the exercise of political rights relied of the status of proprietary, then the defense of the end of primogeniture, and the consequent possibility of the division of property by the various members of one family, may open the door to an expansion of the rights of political participation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martien Herna Susanti

The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Augie Fleras

AbstractThe principle of guaranteed parliamentary representation for the Maori remains a contentious feature of New Zealand's political structure. This concession originated in 1867 to solve the “Maori problem” by means consistent with the competing interests of government and Maori. But despite intrinsic drawbacks within the present system, neither Maoris nor the major political parties have initiated fundamental reforms in the design of Maori seats for fear of tampering with the status quo. Recently, with the resurgence of Maori assertiveness, developments have transpired aimed at redefining the status of separate representation. Whether or not this strategy for the political accommodation of minority groups can be transferred to other contexts—such as Canada—is open to debate.


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