scholarly journals Problematika Kelembagaan Partai Politik

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-122
Author(s):  
Novi Winarti

Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values ​​/ ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1490
Author(s):  
Fifiana WISNAENI

The regional head as the organizer of the government in the region is also an extension of the central government, has a pretty heavy task, therefore in order for the State's goals to be achieved, regional heads must be chosen that are truly credible, qualified and qualified, so that it can bring success to regional development in carrying out government affairs as mandated by the Act, which will ultimately have a positive impact, in the form of support for national development. This research is intended to examine, criticize and analyze which are expected to provide solutions related to the development of the authority to form laws in the constitutional system of the Republic of Indonesia. The formulation of the problem in this study are the dynamics of regional elections in Indonesia in the reformation era and the implications of the dynamics of regional elections in the Indonesian constitutional system. The method of approach used in this study is normative juridical, which is an approach that uses the positivist concept which states that law is identical with written norms created and enacted by authorized institutions or officials. The dynamics of regional head elections in Indonesia in the Reformation era include the conditions for pairs of candidates for regional head elections and the mechanism for regional head elections. Pairs of regional head candidates must be proposed by political parties or a combination of eligible political parties.  


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Djoni Gunanto

Abstract In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government. Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections Abstrak Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan. Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada


Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.


2013 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Cristina Agostinelli

The ltalian law n. 215 of 2012 introduces important changes to the TUEL, «Law on local government», with the objective of strengthening the existing promotion of equal opportunities, supporting the local authorities and ensuring the presence of both genders within elected assemblies. The research proposes a method of comparative anal ysis to observe and control the effects produced by the new electoral instruments adopted for the election of municipal councils with at least 5000 inhabitants. The local elections of May 2013 is the first empirical demonstration of the effects of this law, which introduces the institution of dual gender preference for the selection of represen tatives and a minimum electoral rate for both genders needed to form the list of the parties. The comparative analysis is carried out considering the Tuscany Region, referring to the three towns of Siena, Pisa and Massa where the population had to renew their represen tative council adopting the new electoral law. The data analysis is performed in each mu nicipality about the election of 2013 and the previous one. The aim of the study is to check empirically the effects produced by the new law, based on three aspects closely linked to the evolution of parity democracy: the increase of women in the elective councils, the in fiuence on the characteristics of the offer of each political party and the infiuence on the voters' choices, as well as on the political culture of the government system.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Mapulanga ◽  
Dorothy Doreen Eneya ◽  
Diston Store Chiweza

Purpose The purpose of this paper was to assess the similarities and differences between the Political Parties and the Access to Information Acts in Malawi. While political parties are largely funded by donations that are frequently kept as a secret, the Access to Information Act does not include political party funding among the categories of non-disclosed information. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the qualitative content analysis of the legislation in Malawi. Content analysis of the two pieces of legislation was adopted. This paper is a review of the literature and an examination of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. The document study was supplemented by a review of related literature on the two legislations. Findings The Political Parties Act prohibits the government, ministries and departments from directly or indirectly funding political parties. The Access to Information Act to ensure information generated by Malawi government ministries, departments and agencies is readily made available by the citizens when needed or requested. The Access to Information Act does not exempt political parties from disclosing their funding sources. The two acts work in tandem to promote accountability and transparency in political party funding and sources. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. Only the South African related acts have informed the paper. However, several acts within developing countries would have greatly aided the paper. Practical implications The implementation of the two pieces of legislation has implications for the balance between disclosure and non-disclosure of political party funding. Oversight functions and credible human resource capacity are needed in both political parties and government enforcement institutions. Social implications Oversight functions by the Administrator-General through the Registrar of Political Parties and the Malawi Human Rights Commission are key to the implementation of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts, respectively. Proper enforcement of the oversight functions is expected to result in an open, transparent and accountable Malawian society. Originality/value Various players are needed in the accountability chain to protect disclosure and non-disclosure of information. Very little information is known on the powers, functions and duties of office bearers capable of enforcing legislation to keep political parties' funding clean. Little is known on how the citizens can access information regarding political parties funding.


2005 ◽  
pp. 395-403
Author(s):  
Uros Suvakovic

Social sciences should always aim to reach the highest possible level of exactness, as much as they can when one has in mind their topic of research. In the case of research about political parties, we believe that it is possible - with relatively exract indicators - to establish their successfulness and quantify it by using two measuring instruments: the ten-member graphic scale of successfulness of political parties and the index of successfulness of political parties. Political parties are political organizations of ideological-political like(similar)-minded persons who create associations lasting relatively long period of time to promote specific programme standpoints with the basic goal to win, that is stay in power or participate in power. Through power, they realize and confirm the interests, values and goals of those social groups which they tend to represent, as a rule trying to present these interests, values and goals as general, that is as global as possible. This definition of the notion of political party clearly indicates that its basic goal is winning, that is staying or at least participating in power. Therefore, to measure the successfulness of political parties means to determine the degree a party succeeded in realizing that basic goal of any party. Since the political power is implemented through the parliament and the government is a product of the power relations in it, one could assume that successful political parties are only those which have a parliamentary status. How much one of them would be successful depends on the position it can ensure for itself in a concrete constellation of political relations. Among the successful ones the least successful is the political party which has a parliamentary status but it is in the opposition and not leading this opposition - so it has no influence on the government (the position 6 on the scale); the most successful party is the one which has enough power to form the government alone (position 10). From the standpoint of any party - winning, staying or participating in power, the nonparliamentary parties are unsuccessful political parties. Amnog them, the most unsuccessful is the party which just satisfied the conditions for registration, whose leaders meet twice a year and which formed at least 5 local leadership bodies (the position 1 on the scale); the least unsuccessful political party is the party which won more than 3% of the votes of those who voted at the parliamentary elections, but is below the census proposed for entering the parliament or which managed to nominate at least 10% of the total number of the candidates for the representatives in the assemblies of the local communities at the municipal rank (position 5). While calculating the index of successfulness, each party is given a number of points for every year - these points reflect the position of that party on the scale of successfulness for that year (for example, the party X has the position 5 in 1993 and it gets 5 points). Since the index of successfulness is calculated for the period of 10 years, the sum of points acquired for these 10 years is divided by the number 10 to get the index of successfulness of political parties.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Al-Awwal bin Ishaq ◽  
Munjid Mustapha Bahjat

ملخص البحث: تعدّ الرّسائل السياسيّة في العصر الأمويّ فناً عربيّاً نثريّاً، عُرِفَ منذ أقدم العصور، وما زالت أهمّيّته قائمة إلى زماننا هذا؛ وهو فنّ معروف بالمراسلة والمكاتبة؛ أي النّصّ الّذي يخاطب الكاتبُ فيه الغائبَ عن طريق القلم، وبقيّة الأدوات الّتي تُسْتَخْدَمَ في الكتابة في تلك الفترة. وقد نهضت الرّسائل السياسيّة بالّدور الذي أنيط بها في تطوّر النّثر العربيّ، وبالتحديد في العصر الأمويّ، وأدّت إلى ظهور طبقة من الكتاب الّذين يمتلكون قوّة الأسلوب والثّقافة الواسعة، أمثال: عبد الحميد بن يحيى الكاتب، وأبو العلاء سالم بن عبد الله، وعبد الله بن معاوية بن عبد الله بن جعفر بن أبي طالب وغيرهم. وقد كانت هذه الرسائل تُستَخْدَمُ لقضاء التبعات السياسية للدولة، وقد تمت هذه المراسلات السياسية بين الحزب الأمويّ الحاكم، وبين الأحزاب المعارضة، كالشيعة، والخوارج، والزبيريين. وطبيعي أن تكون لهذه الرسائل قيمتها الفنية والأدبية التي ميّزتها، بدءاً من الرسائل التي توالت بعد مقتل الخليفة عثمان بن عفان رضي الله عنه، وخلافة أمير المؤمنين عليّ رضي الله عنه، والفتن التي حدثت في زمن الصحابة، حتى استقرّ الحكم الأمويّ لأول خليفة، وهو معاوية بن أبي سفيان رضي الله عنه، إلى آخر خلفاء بني أمية، وهو مروان بن محمد (41-123ه). وجدت الدراسة أن الرسائل السياسية في العصر الأموي قد امتازت بخصائص فنية تتعلق بموضوع الرسالة، وافتتاحها بالبسملة، وذكر التحميدات والثناء على الله تعالى، وعنوان الرسالة، والفصل بين المقدمة والمضمون والخاتمة، وتذييل الرسالة، واستعمال الجمل الدعائية والاعتراضية، وتميزت الرسائل بجزالة الألفاظ وترادفها، وروعة التصوير الفني والإيجاز أو الإسهاب في بعض آخر، مع أداء الغرض واستيفائه بأسلوب عربي فصيح، والوضوح، والفصاحة، والاقتباس من القرآن الكريم، والتمثّل بالشعر العربي، وغير ذلك. وتتجلّى القيمة الفنّيّة من خلال محورين، بناء الرسالة، والخصائص الأسلوبية. الكلمات المفتاحية: الرسائل السياسية- العصر الأموي- الرسائل الديوانية- الأحزاب السياسية- البناء الفني.   Abstract: Political letters in the Umayyad Period were regarded as an Arabic prosaic literary form that were well known since earlier time and still have their significance in present time. It is also known as the art of correspondence when the writer was addressing a third person using the means available during that time. This type of letter had contributed significantly in developing the prosaic Arabic style in particular during the Umayyad period which eventually witnessed a growing number of writers with sound stylistic ability and a high end Arabic culture such as: ‘Abdul Hamid Yahya al-Katib, Abu al-‘Ala Salim bin ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah bin Mu’awiyah bin Ja’far bin Abi Talib and others. The letters were meant to contain political consequences of the government. These correspondences took place between the ruling Umayyad dynasty and their opponents such as the Shiite, Khawarij and the supporters of Zubair. The letters had their own literary characteristics from the beginning of the assassinations of the third Caliph ‘Uthman bin al-‘Affan and ‘Ali bin Abi Talib; the political disputes and conflicts during the time of the Companions of the Prophet right until the fall of Caliphate in the hands of the Umayyads, beginning with Mua’wiyah as the first Caliph until the last Caliph, Marwan bin Muhammad. The study concluded that the letters were characterized by having the following: theme, opening with Basmalah, praising Allah, topic, separation between introduction, content and conclusion, appendices, use of prayer expressions and explanatory sentence within a sentence.  They also used very formal wording with frequency of synonyms, brief and excellent in their imageries with an occasional lengthy diversions, fulfilling their purposes with the most fluent and precise selection of words, clear in their objectives, resorting to Quranic Verses and poems as quotations and others. The aesthetical values were apparent through two distinct themes: the structure of the letters and the characteristics of their styles.   Keywords: Political letters – Umayyad Period – Governmental Letters – Political parties – Aesthetic structure.   Abstrak: Surat-surat bertemakan politik di zaman Umayyah dianggap sebagai satu bentuk sastera yang telah lama dikenali dan masih lagi mempunyai kepentingannya pada masa ini. Ia juga dianggap sebagai seni dalam rangka hubungan apabila penulis menujukan suratnya kepada pihak ketiga dengan menngunakan cara-cara yang terdapat di zaman tersebut. Hasil persuratan sedemikian telah menyumbang kepada perkembangan stail prosa bahasa Arab terutamanya pada era Umayyad. Beberapa tokoh terkenal juga muncul sebagai penulis tersohor penulisan sebegini: ‘Abdul Hamid Yahya al-Katib, Abu al-‘Ala Salim bin ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullah bin Mu’awiyah bin Mu’awiyah bin Ja’far bin Abi Talib dan lain-lain. Surat-surat tersebut biasanya bertujuan untuk menangani kesan-kesan konflik politik yang timbul terhadap pemerintah. Surat menyurat tersebut adalah di antara Kerajaan Umayyah dan pihak pembangkang dan musuh-musuh politik mereka seperti pihak Syiah, Khawarij dan penyokong ‘Abdullah bin Zubair. Surat-surat tersebut mempunyai identiti kesusasteraannya yang tersendiri bermula daripda pembunuhan Kahlifah ‘Uthman bin ‘Affan dan Saiyidina ‘Ali sehinggalah kepada konflik dalam kalangan para sahabat sehinggalah jatuhnya Khilafah ke tangan Bani Umayyah, bermula dengan Mua’wiyah dan berakhir dengan Khalifah Marwan bin Muhammad. Kajian ini merumuskan bahawa surat-surat tersebut mempunyai sifat dan karakter tersendiri seperti: tema, pembukaan dengan Bismillah, tajuk, perbezaan di antara pengenalan, kandungan dan kesimpulan, lampiran, uncapan doa’ dan ayat-ayat penerangan apitan. Laras bahasanya amat rasmi dengan penggunaan berulang perkataan dan frasa seerti; ujarannya ringkas tetapi padat; perlambangan digunakan secara meluas; kadang-kadang ayat –ayatnya panjang meleret namun secara umumnya penggunaan bahasanya amat lancar dan tepat. Tujuannya jelas, petikan daripada ayat-ayat Al-Quran dan puisi Arab turut mencorakkan surat-surat tersebut. Nilai astetika persuratan ini terserlah dalam dua aspek penting: struktur surat-surat tersebut dan ciri-ciri stail bahasanya.   Kata kunci: Surat-surat politik– Zaman Kerajaan Umayyah– Watikah Kerajaan– Kumpulan-kumpulan politik– Struktur astetika.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Sekar Anggun Gading Pinilih

ABSTRACTA political party is one of the tools of democracy in any country that serves to distribute the aspirations of the people to the government, political education, and the others. So that the function can be realized, it needed financial assistance, both from members of the party, from the state or from the donations of others to assist political parties in carrying out its activities. However, in practice a lot happening raising and management of funds by political parties that are not based on the principles of transparency and accountability resulted in various cases of alleged corruption by the political parties. Therefore, it is necessary to reform financial regulation of political parties that meet the principles of transparency and accountability. The principle of transparency and accountability of political party finances can be achieved by requiring each political party financial reports on the sources of funds received by the party, and the financial reports of the elections. In addition, it is necessary also penalties for political parties who are late or even not make those reports, as well as which institutions are given the task of overseeing the financial reports of parties and institutions that enforce sanctions. Therefore, the legislature immediately makes changes to the Electoral Law and the Law on Political Parties to include such arrangements.INTISARIPartai politik adalah salah satu alat demokrasi di negara manapun yang berfungsi untuk menyalurkan aspirasi rakyat kepada pemerintah, melakukan pendidikan politik, dan sebagainya. Agar fungsi tersebut dapat terwujud, maka diperlukan bantuan keuangan, baik dari anggota partai itu sendiri, dari negara atau dari sumbangan pihak lain untuk membantu partai politik dalam menjalankan kegiatannya. Namun, dalam praktek banyak terjadi penggalangan dan pengelolaan dana oleh partai politik yang tidak dilandasi dengan prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas mengakibatkan munculnya berbagai kasus dugaan korupsi yang dilakukan orang partai politik. Oleh karena itu, perlu dilakukan reformasi pengaturan keuangan partai politik yang memenuhi prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas. Prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas keuangan partai dapat dicapai dengan cara mewajibkan setiap partai politik membuat laporan keuangan atas sumber-sumber dana yang diterima oleh partai, dan laporan keuangan Pemilu. Selain itu, perlu diatur juga mengenai sanksi bagi partai politik yang terlambat atau bahkan tidak membuat laporan keuangan tersebut, serta lembaga mana yang diberikan tugas untuk mengawasi laporan keuangan partai dan lembaga yang menegakkan sanksi-sanksi tersebut. Oleh karena itu, para pembentuk undang-undang segera melakukan perubahan terhadap Undang-Undang Pemilu dan Undang-Undang Partai Politik dengan memasukkan pengaturan-pengaturan tersebut.Kata kunci: 


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joko Martono ◽  
Budimansyah Budimansyah ◽  
Annurdi Annurdi

<p>The nature of political party is accentuated their interest that causes the decrease of public confidence in the political party. It affects the election of local heads when the candidate supported by the political party in the election process. So that the presence of regulation that opens the opportunity for independent candidates in the election of local head, raises the hope to improve the government system. This research type is normative juridical research, and the data used for this research are some legislation, documents, and books relating the election of local head. The result of this research revealed that independent candidates that elected as local head face problems when they must be able to maintain a balance with the local parliament as a consequence of did not get support from political parties.</p><strong>Keywords:</strong> <em>Independent Candidate, Local Head Election</em>


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