scholarly journals Migration trends and challenges in the Visegrad countries

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (54) ◽  
pp. 149-176
Author(s):  
Sandor Gallai ◽  

The Visegrad region experienced the aging and the decline of its population in the past 30 years, as happened in other Eastern European countries. That development was aggravated by net emigration, the scale of which was overestimated at the time of the political regime changes and underestimated after the EU Eastern expansion. This article presents and analyses the main trends in migration to and from the Visegrad countries, and tries to prove that political considerations and public attitudes often prevented the formulation of appropriate government responses. Research on the motivations for emigration found that economic opportunities prevail as the most decisive factor in individual decisions on migration. Therefore, at the governmental level, the prospect of success to slow down or reverse the flow of net emigration depends on economic convergence between the Visegrad countries and the West.

European View ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktória Jančošekovà

Regional cooperation is mutually beneficial collaboration between neighbouring countries. This holds regardless of whether it is a matter of cooperation between the Benelux countries, the Nordic–Baltic states, France and Germany, or the Visegrad countries. The last-mentioned countries' dismissive attitude to tackling the migration crisis has thrust them into the limelight. The most recent cooperative forums in the Central Eastern Europe region, such as the Slavkov Triangle and the Three Seas Initiative, evidence a new dynamic and a regrouping of forces on the basis of national interests and EU themes. Western and Eastern Europe have different approaches to the most pressing challenges, such as migration. These differences have caused deep divisions between their respective leaders. However, the disagreements on the migration issue and the future of the EU notwithstanding, regional cooperation among the Central and Eastern European countries remains valuable in areas that include the integration process, security and defence.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2012 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Czasonis ◽  
Michael Quinn

One of the motivations for a country to join the European Union is the belief that this will boost short- and long-run incomes. Researchers have tested the hypothesis of income convergence in different settings using either regression or unit root analysis, with mixed results. In this paper, we use both methods on the same samples over a significant time period. This allows us to judge differences in results across varied time-frames and methodologies. The focus of these tests is on convergence to German and EMU average incomes by Eastern European countries and those within the Euro-zone from 1971–2007. The evidence for convergence is mixed. Among the Euro-zone countries, there is more evidence of convergence in the 1970s and 1980s than recently. There is significant evidence that Eastern Europe experienced convergence and that capital formation was one of the root causes. While the results do not support the hypothesis that joining the EU increases convergence, reforms undertaken in the 1990s by Eastern European countries in preparation for joining may have helped them to “catch up”, even if the act of joining the EU did not directly impact convergence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-53
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Ustymenko ◽  
Alevtyna Sanchenko

The article provides a general overview of the course of forming Ukraine’s legal and policy basis for cross-border cooperation in connection with economic development. Specific attention is given to its cross-border cooperation with the neighbouring Eastern European countries in the frameworks of bilateral treaties, the Madrid Outline Convention and the EUUkraine Association Agreement. Their cooperation within four Euroregions, supported by the EU European Neighbourhood Instrument, is observed. The complex of cross-border cooperation advantages, shortcomings of their realisation and the current prospects for cross-border cooperation advancement in the light of sustainable development are characterised.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-147
Author(s):  
Song Lilei ◽  
Bian Sai

International public health cooperation has always been one of the typical issues of bilateral and multilateral diplomatic ties in the international community. As two important actors in the international community, China and the EU have worked on many transnational public health cooperation projects. The two-level division of the EU's foreign policy competence decided the Cooperation and Challenges on Public Health between China-EU. Cooperation with the EU member states is expanding, the cooperation with the level of the EU started to show up. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, both China and the EU have publicly expressed their support for WHO's anti-pandemic measures. China has actively provided public health aid to Central and Eastern European countries and shared the Anti-COVID-19 experience. In this article, the author reviewed the progress and mechanism of China-EU public health cooperation, discussed how China and the EU have jointly dealt with the pandemic by sharing experience, providing aids, strengthening multilateralism and international cooperation, and building a community with a healthy future for humankind since the outbreak of COVID-19. Facing the COVID-19,China-EU health cooperation should be further strengthened to show the importance of a community with a shared future for humanity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. e000411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Hjern ◽  
Liv Stubbe Østergaard ◽  
Marie-Louise Nörredam

BackgroundMore than 800 000 asylum-seeking children were registered in Europe during 2015–2017. Many of them arrived with accumulated needs of healthcare. In this study, we examined the legislation for health examinations on arrival for migrant children in the EU/EAA area.MethodsWe did a survey to child health professionals within the EU-funded MOCHA project, supplemented by desktop research of official documents.ResultsIn all but three surveyed countries in the EU/EEA, there were systematic health examinations of newly settled migrant children. In most eastern European countries and Germany, this health examination was mandatory; while in the rest of western and northern Europe it was mostly voluntary. All countries that had a mandatory policy of health examinations screened for communicable diseases to protect the host population. Almost all countries with a voluntary policy also aimed to assess a child’s individual healthcare needs, but this was rarely the case in countries with a mandatory policy.ConclusionSystematic health examinations of migrant children are routinely performed in most countries in the EU/EEA; but in many countries, it could be improved considerably by extending the focus from screening for communicable diseases to assessing and addressing individual needs of healthcare.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Dettenhofer ◽  
Miroslav Ondrejovič ◽  
Viktória Vásáry ◽  
Pawel Kaszycki ◽  
Tomasz Twardowski ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Juan Fernando López Aguilar

Durante las legislaturas europeas 2009-2014 y 2014-2019 la UE viene asistiendo al desafío planteado por los alarmantes signos de deterioro y retroceso de la democracia en la UE. No por casualidad esta tendencia ha coincidido con la inmersión de la Unión en la peor crisis de su historia, que arrancó en 2008 y ha venido en llamarse la «Gran Recesión» de la UE o la «glaciación» europea. Hungría ha sido durante este período el caso más paradigmático de las derivas antidemocráticas -restricciones del pluralismo político e informativo, de la independencia judicial y de la jurisdicción del TC- experimentadas por países de la UE. Pero, recientemente, Polonia ha dado muestras de un deterioro igualmente preocupante. Con todo no se trata, desgraciadamente, de casos aislados sino una tendencia cada vez más generalizada que ha recibido, según los contextos, el nombre de «putinización» u «orbanización» de Estados miembros de la UE. El presente artículo hace un recuento de los deterioros constitucionales sufridos por esos dos países y de las iniciativas que desde la UE se han puesto en marcha para seguir y dar respuesta a esos procesos. El artículo hace hincapié en los rasgos «antiliberales» o «iliberales» que caracterizan dichas democracias, así como los inherentes al auge del nacionalismo y la intolerancia y los discursos del odio, y los pone en relación con otros procesos históricos de erosión democrática en Europa, incidiendo en la dialéctica democracia vs populismo. El artículo plantea, asimismo, los conflictos que se derivan del denominado «dilema de Copenhague» y del auge de la extrema derecha a lo largo y ancho de la UE y se detiene en algunos casos como el de las restricciones de derechos a los refugiados en Dinamarca o de los retrocesos habidos en los últimos años en derechos y libertades públicas en España. El artículo concluye que los deterioros descritos están vinculados a la «gran ampliación», que supuso la adhesión a la UE de los países del Este, con el telón de fondo de una crisis económica y financiera devenida, en poco tiempo, en crisis social y de valores como consecuencia de las políticas de austeridad impuestas por un manejo insatisfactorio de la propia crisis. Ello ha redundado en una impugnación de la propia idea de construcción europea desde diversos frentes ideológicos. El artículo se detiene, finalmente, en la respuesta europea a las mencionadas derivas a través de una reivindicación de sus valores fundantes y de una protección reforzada de los mismos mediante la implementación de nuevos mecanismos que velen por la calidad democrática y del Estado de derecho en la UE como complemento de los procedimientos judiciales de tutela de los derechos fundamentales comunes a las tradiciones constitucionales comunes de los Estados miembros.During the European legislatures 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 the EU has witnessed the challenge posed by the alarming signs of deterioration and decline of democracy in the EU. Not by chance this trend has coincided with the immersion of the Union in the worst crisis in its history that began in 2008 and has been called the «Great Recession» of the EU or the European «glaciation». Over this period Hungary has been the best example of democratic backsliding in the EU but Poland has shown an equally worrying deterioration lately. Yet these are not, unfortunately, isolated cases but there is rather an increasingly widespread trend in Europe that has received, depending on the context, the name «putinization» or «orbanization». The present article recounts the constitutional deterioration experienced by those two countries and the initiatives that have been launched from the EU to follow-up and contest those processes. The article emphasizes the «anti-liberal » or «iliberal» features that characterize these democracies as well as those marks inherent to the rise of nationalism and intolerance and puts them in relation to other historical processes of democratic erosion in Europe, focusing on the dialectic democracy vs populism. The article also exposes the conflicts stemming from the so-called «Copenhagen dilemma» and the rise of the extreme right across the EU and stops in some concrete cases such as the restrictions on the rights of refugees in Denmark or the limitations which have occurred in recent years in the field of civil liberties in Spain. The article concludes that this deterioration is linked to the «great enlargement», which involved the accession to the EU of the Eastern European countries against the backdrop of a relentless financial and economic crisis that rapidly became in a social crisis and a truly crisis of values as a result of the austerity policies imposed by an unsatisfactory handling of the crisis itself. This has resulted in a challenge to the very idea of European integration coming from different ideological fronts. The article finally stops on the European response to the democratic backsliding described before by reaffirming its fundamental values and by enhancing their protection by implementing new mechanisms to ensure that the quality of democracy and the rule of law in the EU is improved complementing the national systems of judicial protection of fundamental rights legal common to the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oreste Pollicino ◽  
Oleg Soldatov

In pursuit of solutions to curb cybercrime, legislators engage in an analysis proportionally weighing freedom of expression and other societal interests. The balance between the two concepts differs dramatically across different jurisdictions. This Article looks into a widely discussed legislative package regulating the online domain, enacted by the Sixth Convocation of the Russian Parliament (2011–2016)—the State Duma. The authors operate under the assumption that the Russian approach might have a broad spillover effect. With this in mind, the authors outline the current status quo regarding Internet regulations in the EU, disentangle and contextualize the legislation under scrutiny, emphasize Russian influence over Eastern European countries, and describe the tumultuous relationship between the Russian Federation and the European Court of Human Rights.


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