China-EU Two-level Cooperation and Challenges on Public Health during the COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-147
Author(s):  
Song Lilei ◽  
Bian Sai

International public health cooperation has always been one of the typical issues of bilateral and multilateral diplomatic ties in the international community. As two important actors in the international community, China and the EU have worked on many transnational public health cooperation projects. The two-level division of the EU's foreign policy competence decided the Cooperation and Challenges on Public Health between China-EU. Cooperation with the EU member states is expanding, the cooperation with the level of the EU started to show up. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, both China and the EU have publicly expressed their support for WHO's anti-pandemic measures. China has actively provided public health aid to Central and Eastern European countries and shared the Anti-COVID-19 experience. In this article, the author reviewed the progress and mechanism of China-EU public health cooperation, discussed how China and the EU have jointly dealt with the pandemic by sharing experience, providing aids, strengthening multilateralism and international cooperation, and building a community with a healthy future for humankind since the outbreak of COVID-19. Facing the COVID-19,China-EU health cooperation should be further strengthened to show the importance of a community with a shared future for humanity.

Author(s):  
Juan Fernando López Aguilar

Durante las legislaturas europeas 2009-2014 y 2014-2019 la UE viene asistiendo al desafío planteado por los alarmantes signos de deterioro y retroceso de la democracia en la UE. No por casualidad esta tendencia ha coincidido con la inmersión de la Unión en la peor crisis de su historia, que arrancó en 2008 y ha venido en llamarse la «Gran Recesión» de la UE o la «glaciación» europea. Hungría ha sido durante este período el caso más paradigmático de las derivas antidemocráticas -restricciones del pluralismo político e informativo, de la independencia judicial y de la jurisdicción del TC- experimentadas por países de la UE. Pero, recientemente, Polonia ha dado muestras de un deterioro igualmente preocupante. Con todo no se trata, desgraciadamente, de casos aislados sino una tendencia cada vez más generalizada que ha recibido, según los contextos, el nombre de «putinización» u «orbanización» de Estados miembros de la UE. El presente artículo hace un recuento de los deterioros constitucionales sufridos por esos dos países y de las iniciativas que desde la UE se han puesto en marcha para seguir y dar respuesta a esos procesos. El artículo hace hincapié en los rasgos «antiliberales» o «iliberales» que caracterizan dichas democracias, así como los inherentes al auge del nacionalismo y la intolerancia y los discursos del odio, y los pone en relación con otros procesos históricos de erosión democrática en Europa, incidiendo en la dialéctica democracia vs populismo. El artículo plantea, asimismo, los conflictos que se derivan del denominado «dilema de Copenhague» y del auge de la extrema derecha a lo largo y ancho de la UE y se detiene en algunos casos como el de las restricciones de derechos a los refugiados en Dinamarca o de los retrocesos habidos en los últimos años en derechos y libertades públicas en España. El artículo concluye que los deterioros descritos están vinculados a la «gran ampliación», que supuso la adhesión a la UE de los países del Este, con el telón de fondo de una crisis económica y financiera devenida, en poco tiempo, en crisis social y de valores como consecuencia de las políticas de austeridad impuestas por un manejo insatisfactorio de la propia crisis. Ello ha redundado en una impugnación de la propia idea de construcción europea desde diversos frentes ideológicos. El artículo se detiene, finalmente, en la respuesta europea a las mencionadas derivas a través de una reivindicación de sus valores fundantes y de una protección reforzada de los mismos mediante la implementación de nuevos mecanismos que velen por la calidad democrática y del Estado de derecho en la UE como complemento de los procedimientos judiciales de tutela de los derechos fundamentales comunes a las tradiciones constitucionales comunes de los Estados miembros.During the European legislatures 2009-2014 and 2014-2019 the EU has witnessed the challenge posed by the alarming signs of deterioration and decline of democracy in the EU. Not by chance this trend has coincided with the immersion of the Union in the worst crisis in its history that began in 2008 and has been called the «Great Recession» of the EU or the European «glaciation». Over this period Hungary has been the best example of democratic backsliding in the EU but Poland has shown an equally worrying deterioration lately. Yet these are not, unfortunately, isolated cases but there is rather an increasingly widespread trend in Europe that has received, depending on the context, the name «putinization» or «orbanization». The present article recounts the constitutional deterioration experienced by those two countries and the initiatives that have been launched from the EU to follow-up and contest those processes. The article emphasizes the «anti-liberal » or «iliberal» features that characterize these democracies as well as those marks inherent to the rise of nationalism and intolerance and puts them in relation to other historical processes of democratic erosion in Europe, focusing on the dialectic democracy vs populism. The article also exposes the conflicts stemming from the so-called «Copenhagen dilemma» and the rise of the extreme right across the EU and stops in some concrete cases such as the restrictions on the rights of refugees in Denmark or the limitations which have occurred in recent years in the field of civil liberties in Spain. The article concludes that this deterioration is linked to the «great enlargement», which involved the accession to the EU of the Eastern European countries against the backdrop of a relentless financial and economic crisis that rapidly became in a social crisis and a truly crisis of values as a result of the austerity policies imposed by an unsatisfactory handling of the crisis itself. This has resulted in a challenge to the very idea of European integration coming from different ideological fronts. The article finally stops on the European response to the democratic backsliding described before by reaffirming its fundamental values and by enhancing their protection by implementing new mechanisms to ensure that the quality of democracy and the rule of law in the EU is improved complementing the national systems of judicial protection of fundamental rights legal common to the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (48) ◽  
pp. 19-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Hagemejer ◽  
Mahdi Ghodsi

Abstract The pattern of trade of the Central and Eastern European countries has been changing since the beginning of the economic transition in the early 1990s. By the end of the century this process was additionally strengthened by their integration with the European Union and overlapped with the development of global value chains (GVC) spanning across Europe with which the new member states (NMS) have become increasingly integrated. In this paper, we shed light on these changes by analysing the position of the NMS within the global value chains. We employ the upstreamness measure proposed by Antràs et al. (2012) and use the World Input–Output Database. Although we observe a global increasing trend in the upstreamness of all countries, we find that the NMS have in many cases gone against this trend while converging in their production structure within their group and with the EU-15. This convergence is mostly observed in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia where the level of upstreamness in the most important exporting sectors was close to that of Germany by the end of the analysed period 1995−2011.


2006 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Srdjan Redzepagic

Agriculture posed considerable tensions for the processes of enlargement of the European Union, because of its continuing importance both in the economies of the applicant countries of Central and Eastern European countries which have joined EU on the 1st may 2004., and in the EU budget and acquits communautaire. The preparation of agriculture in the candidate countries to join the EU was rendered more complex by the fact that the Community's Common Agricultural Policy was a moving target. The aim of this paper is to show the bases elements of the Common Agricultural Policy, but also to provide a survey of recent developments relating to agriculture in the EU and new member states of the EU before their accession to EU and their preparation to access on the enlarged market, in order to indicate the main challenges and difficulties posed by enlargement. It seems likely that agricultural policy in the enlarged EU will attach increased priority to objectives such as rural development and the environment. However, these new priorities may be expensive to realize, and may impose a growing burden on the national budgets of EU member states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-302
Author(s):  
Wojciech Szczepan Staszewski

A state’s treaty policy constitutes a significant aspect of the foreign policy to every country. The transformations in Poland and in the other Central and Eastern European countries launched by the events described as “Autumn of Nations” of 1989 have brought fundamental changes to the several governments and the international community, including Poland’s, which demanded a revision of the Polish treaty policy. Due to the fact that the bilateral Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation reflect the priorities of foreign policy and indicate the characteristics of the bilateral relations, they play particularly important role in the treaty relations of every country. Through the outlook on the transformations in the Polish treaty policy with respect to the Treaties of Friendship and Cooperation made after the governmental changes, this paper attempts to present the interest areas for the Polish foreign policy after 1989.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2012 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Czasonis ◽  
Michael Quinn

One of the motivations for a country to join the European Union is the belief that this will boost short- and long-run incomes. Researchers have tested the hypothesis of income convergence in different settings using either regression or unit root analysis, with mixed results. In this paper, we use both methods on the same samples over a significant time period. This allows us to judge differences in results across varied time-frames and methodologies. The focus of these tests is on convergence to German and EMU average incomes by Eastern European countries and those within the Euro-zone from 1971–2007. The evidence for convergence is mixed. Among the Euro-zone countries, there is more evidence of convergence in the 1970s and 1980s than recently. There is significant evidence that Eastern Europe experienced convergence and that capital formation was one of the root causes. While the results do not support the hypothesis that joining the EU increases convergence, reforms undertaken in the 1990s by Eastern European countries in preparation for joining may have helped them to “catch up”, even if the act of joining the EU did not directly impact convergence.


Author(s):  
Rafael Bustos Gisbert

El artículo examina los documentos elaborados sobre independencia judicial por distintos órganos del Consejo de Europa. Tiene en cuenta la diferente aproximación en los mismos antes y después de la crisis del Estado de Derecho en algunos de los Estados europeos a partir de 2010. Tras resumir los estándares básicos elaborados en tales textos, se estudia su influencia en el Consejo de Europa y en la UE. En el primer sentido se examina su presencia en la jurisprudencia del TEDH. Respecto a la UE se examina el modo en que ha condicionado la labor de la Comisión en la supervisión del respeto al Estado de Derecho por los Estados miembros desde que comenzara a usarlos para evaluar las candidaturas de los países del Este a ingresar en la UE a finales del pasado siglo, hasta su incorporación al Informe sobre el Estado de Derecho en la UE aprobado en octubre de 2020.This essay focuses on the documents on judicial independence drafted by Council of Europe bodies. It takes into account its diverse approaches before and after the rule of Law backsliding in some European States since 2010. The basic standards elaborated are summarized. Its influence is addressed both at the Council of Europe and at the European Unión. In the first sense it examines the influence of this soft law in the European Court of Human Rights case law. Secondly it focuses in the way it has conditioned the European Commission task of monitoring the effectiveness of rule of law in EU member states. This influence began when they were used to evaluate the candidatures of Eastern European countries to join the EU at the end of the last century but it has kept inspiring the Commision’s activities until the Report on Rule of Law issued in October 2010.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-53
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Ustymenko ◽  
Alevtyna Sanchenko

The article provides a general overview of the course of forming Ukraine’s legal and policy basis for cross-border cooperation in connection with economic development. Specific attention is given to its cross-border cooperation with the neighbouring Eastern European countries in the frameworks of bilateral treaties, the Madrid Outline Convention and the EUUkraine Association Agreement. Their cooperation within four Euroregions, supported by the EU European Neighbourhood Instrument, is observed. The complex of cross-border cooperation advantages, shortcomings of their realisation and the current prospects for cross-border cooperation advancement in the light of sustainable development are characterised.


Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-48
Author(s):  
Youri Devuyst

During the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) of1996, the European Union's institutional structure should be adapted, most notably in preparation for the Union's enlargement with the Central and Eastern European countries. The IGC's institutional debate will befar from easy. This is not surprizing since the institutional discussions during the IGC will reflect the grave substantive policy differences between the Member States on the Union's functions in the economy and on the Union's foreign policy role. The IGC is, indeed, largely a position game during which the Member States attempt to create a congenial institutional framework, favourable to their substantive policy preferences. 


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