Nonrecording the “European refugee crisis” in Greece

Focaal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (77) ◽  
pp. 36-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katerina Rozakou

This article explores nonrecording on the borders of Europe during the “European refugee crisis” in 2015. It examines the ambiguous practices of border control and the diverse actors involved. Taking the island of Lesvos as its starting point, the article interrogates how state functionaries manage an “irregular” bureaucracy. Irregular bureaucracy is approached as an essential element of state-craft , rather than an indication of state failure. Nonrecording is thus a crucial site of contestation between the state, nonstate agents, and the government, as well as between Greece and “Europe.” Nevertheless, despite the prevalence of irregularity, the imagery associated with ideal bureaucracy—a system of absolute knowledge, control, and governance of populations—is powerful; and yet, the actors are fully aware that it is a fantasy.

Author(s):  
Lucian N Leustean

Abstract In Serbia, during the 2015 European refugee crisis, the Orthodox Church mobilized communities in providing humanitarian aid before local authorities and the government issued an organized response. Two years later, in December 2017, with the support of the Orthodox Church, Ukraine exchanged war prisoners with the separatist authorities in Donbas. In both countries, the social and political involvement of Orthodox Churches in dealing with forced displacement was unprecedented. Drawing on literature review and interviews with 25 representatives of governmental and civil-society bodies, members of the clergy and academics, this article explores the ways in which, in Serbia and Ukraine, when states fail to offer support for populations affected by violence, religious communities have been among the first actors to take over state governance and provide human security. It argues that, by doing so, Orthodox Churches become open to politicization from state authorities. The article contributes to the study of religion and forced displacement by linking the politicization of Orthodox Churches to the concept of state failure.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001083672198936
Author(s):  
Lene Hansen ◽  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Katrine Emilie Andersen

The European refugee crisis has been communicated visually through images such as those of Alan Kurdi lying dead on the beach, by body bags on the harbor front of Lampedusa, by people walking through Europe and by border guards and fences. This article examines the broader visual environment within which EU policy-making took place from October 2013 to October 2015. It identifies ‘tragedy’ as the key term used by the EU to explain its actions and decisions and points out that discourses of humanitarianism and border control were both in place. The article provides a theoretical account of how humanitarianism and border control might be visualized by news photography. Adopting a multi-method design and analyzing a dataset of more than 1000 photos, the article presents a visual discourse analysis of five generic iconic motifs and a quantitative visual content analysis of shifts and continuity across four moments in time. The article connects these visual analyses to the policies and discourses of the EU holding that the ambiguity of the EU’s discourse was mirrored by the wider visual environment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 503-516
Author(s):  
Marcin Mielnik

In this work, the study of the title issue will be continued and the focus will be on the boundaries of transparency of public action in the sphere of enacting and implementing the law. As a result of the actions taken, the author intends to find answers to questions relat-ed to the policy of informing citizens and possibilities of finding information on the func-tioning of the state. The research was carried out by conducting a source query and source analysis. The author in the main part of the work defined the bodies responsible for creat-ing the law. Then, he introduced individual governmental dailies, such as Dziennik Praw or daily newspapers issued in individual districts of the country (departments). The starting point was to discuss the policy of disseminating the content of the law also in the uncon-stitutional period before the first copies of the government press were issued. Next, the author discussed the results of research on specific issues such as the content of journals, with particular emphasis on the main topics, such as the justification for the implementation of the Napoleon Code and its analysis in terms of practicality. Finally, niche topics like hounds and tips are presented.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 809-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Mavelli

AbstractThe notion of humanitarian government has been increasingly employed to describe the simultaneous and conflicting deployment of humanitarianism and security in the government of ‘precarious lives’ such as refugees. This article argues that humanitarian government shouldalsobe understood as the biopolitical government of host populationsthroughthe humanitarian government of refugees. In particular, it explores how the biopolitical governmentality of the UK decision to suspend search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean in 2014, and the British rejection and German welcoming of Syrian refugees primarily concern thebiologicalandemotionalcare of the British and German populations. To this end, the article analyses how dynamics of inclusion/exclusion of refugees have been informed by a biopolitical racism that redraws the boundary between ‘valuable’ (to be included) and ‘not valuable’ (to be excluded) lives according to the refugees’ capacity to enhance the biological and emotional well-being of host populations. This discussion aims to contribute to three interrelated fields of research – namely, humanitarian government, biopolitical governmentality, and responses to the European refugee crisis – by exploring how biopolitics has shaped the British and German responses to the crisis and how it encompasses more meanings and rationalities than currently recognised by existing scholarship on humanitarian government.


Author(s):  
TAREK BRIK BERROUK

This study dealt with an important topic and an important file that attract the attention of many researchers in many fields, such as economics, politeness and sociology, namely the subject of operation and specifically the dynamics of operation in the regional development in Algeria, through which we tried to customize the most important devices and programs of operation approved by the State, and revealed the extent of their contribution in advancing the development in the territory of the Wilaya (province) of Souk-Ahras. The high rate of unemployment, making the state think of alternative programs contributed to the absorption of human resources are working to be a pillar of development, especially if it is organized and invested and exploit the energies of the best exploitation. This study is a subsequent study of a previous study (the role of youth employment programs in the promotion of work and development of competencies) in this field (operating), which is the starting point for subsequent study later (the phenomenon of invasion of the female component of the labor market, professional integration, professional conscience - values ​​and ethics) , The subject has been addressed in all its possible and available aspects, in accordance with a systematic plan that reinforces our field vision to build this study, based on a central question: What is the reality of operationalization in the development of the territory of the Wilaya (province)? The study found a major outcome: * The ineffectiveness and effectiveness of the strategy and programs of employment at the national and local level in advancing development because of adopting the problems of young people and removing them from unemployment temporarily. Based on this, we had to make a set of recommendations that would contribute to providing an appropriate aspect of the workforce, whether qualified or ineligible: In order for the employment sector to participate in the development process, the government must have a genuine and serious desire to create permanent jobs in all sectors without exception. * Encourage employment development by proposing measures that allow the supply of demand to be rounded up in this operating area.


2001 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
B.G. Taverne

AbstractThe discovery in 1959 of natural gas in a well drilled by the Nederlandse Aardolie Maatschappij (NAM) near Hoogezand, Gemeente Slochteren, a town in the Province of Groningen, led to the development and establishment of major natural gas production in the Netherlands. This important industrial development could not have started and the necessary investments would not have been made by the industry, if not in accordance with the then applicable Napoleonic Mining Law of 1810 a concession had been applied for and granted allowing to exploit this discovery. From this point of view, admittedly a lawyer’s view, the award of the concession, which was named Groningen, should be considered to be the actual starting point for the aforesaid development.On 1 July 1961 NAM submitted its application for a concession based on its Slochteren discovery and with this submission the negotiations started between the Netherlands government on the one side and NAM and its two shareholders, viz. Shell and Exxon, on the other side, on the terms and conditions to be incorporated in the applied for concession. On the government’s side attention was focused on two aspects: how to integrate the natural gas discovered into the economy of the country and how to involve the State in the production and disposal thereof. From the outset the government intended, that the State’s interests should be represented by the Staatsmijnen in Limburg (State Mines) in order to give this coal mining enterprise a future outside and independent from its ailing coal mining business in the Province of Limburg. To this end the government arranged for State Mines to enter into a maatschap (partnership) with NAM. In this partnership State Mines would get a 40% participating interest, leaving 60% for NAM. The concession would be granted to NAM, but the latter would be obliged to produce the natural gas reserves contained within the concession for the account and responsibility of the partnership. The partnership would be managed by State Mines with a 50% voting right and by NAM’s two shareholders each with a 25% voting right.In the deed of concession, which was granted on 30 May 1963, it is stipulated, that any natural gas not needed by the concessionaire for its own operations should be sold to a corporation to be designated by the Minister and the articles of association of which would require the latter’s approval. This corporation, named the NV Nederlandse Gasunie (the Gasunie), was established on 6 April 1963. Its shareholders were (and still are) State Mines (now Energie Beheer Nederland (EBN)) with a 40% shareholding interest, the two shareholders of NAM, each with a 25% interest, and the State itself with a 10% interest. The Gasunie is allowed to realise from its business of buying, transporting and selling natural gas an after tax profit of NGL 80 million per year. Any surplus revenues are transferred to NAM (the transfer sum) in payment of the gas delivered by NAM.The concession area comprises about 2,970 square km, covering the territory of the Province of Groningen and the territorial waters adjacent to the Province. The concession area includes part of the Waddenzee, an area in respect of which special environmental/zoning rules and regulations are in force. As a matter of fact any exploitation of the gas reserves situated in that area is ruled out, at least for the foreseeable future.The concession area also includes an area described as the Common Area in the Supplementary Eems I Dollard Agreement of 14 May 1962. Under the terms of this Agreement natural gas produced from the gas reserves situated in the Common Area had to be shared with German concessionaires. NAM was appointed the operator for implementing the provisions of the Agreement.A certain varying amount of subsidence is experienced throughout the concession area. In this matter the partnership agreed to compensate, up to a certain financial limit, third parties which incurred costs or suffered damage in connection with said subsidence.


2021 ◽  
pp. 347-362
Author(s):  
T. V. Valov

The impact of the 1998 financial crisis on the dynamics of market reforms and the privatization process in Russia and St. Petersburg is examined in the article. The activity of the government aimed at curbing the crisis tendencies in the first half of 1998, as well as the activity of the Cabinet of E. M. Primakov on the reanimation of the Russian economy in September — December 1998, is analyzed. The main reasons for the default, the impact of the crisis on privatization activity, the state of industrial enterprises, the banking sector, the transformation of integrated business groups, the level of welfare of the population, the state of relations “center-regions” are considered, and the social reaction to these changes is investigated. The state of the industry is revealed on the example of St. Petersburg enterprises. The approaches of the government of E. M. Primakov to the privatization policy are investigated. The features of personnel policy in the Ministry of State Property of the Russian Federation and the Committee for the Management of City Property of St. Petersburg are considered. The study of the causes and consequences of the default showed that this event became a key event in the development of the Russian economy, significantly influenced the pace of privatization activity and the state of financial and industrial groups, and also became the starting point for subsequent economic growth.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Cornford

AbstractThis essay takes as its starting-point the post-2016 Refugee Crisis, which it considers to have been caused not so much by unmanageable migration as by excessive border control. It then uses Julia Kristeva’s figures of the ‘abject’ and ‘deject’ and Tim Ingold’s related conceptions of ‘containment’ and ‘exposure’ to explore some ways in which borders shape conceptions of nationhood and of identity. It goes on to explore Vicky Featherstone’s production of Zinnie Harris’ How to Hold Your Breath (Royal Court, 2015) and the Isango Ensemble’s A Man of Good Hope (Young Vic, 2016) as examples of representations of migrants and migration from a position of settled, white privilege. It then takes up the challenge of the chorus in A Man of Good Hope to ‘tell the other stories’ of the nationless, which it does partly by tracing the trajectories of easily-overlooked characters in A Man of Good Hope and then in dialogue with Zodwa Nyoni’s play Nine Lives (Leeds Studio, 2014). It finds in Nyoni’s play ways in which bounded conceptions of identity can be productively troubled by the figure of the migrant and identity thereby reframed not as the experience of containment within borders, but as a consequence of movement across them.


Author(s):  
Eduard Martí-Fraga

Today there is a great discussion about the effects that the organization of military expeditions had on the civilian population and the economy of the province of departure. The issue is relevant because in order to carry them out, the State must have a great capacity to mobilize resources. Felipe V strove to achieve a centralized and effective government. But this only achieved in the twenties of the eighteenth century. In this context, it is worth asking how the Bourbon state functioned between 1715 and 1720. The study of the supply of three expeditions that took place during those years can help us to better understand this process. The objective of this article is to analyze three key questions: what reasons did the government have when choosing a seaport as the starting point of an expedition; determine the economic effects of this decision and show which social groups benefited from it.


2000 ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
O. O. Romanovsky

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the nature of the national policy of Russia is significantly changing. After the events of 1863 in Poland (the Second Polish uprising), the government of Alexander II gradually abandoned the dominant idea of ​​anathematizing, whose essence is expressed in the domination of the principle of serving the state, the greatness of the empire. The tsar-reformer deliberately changes the policy of etatamism into the policy of state ethnocentrism. The manifestation of such a change is a ban on teaching in Polish (1869) and the temporary closure of the University of Warsaw. At the end of the 60s, the state's policy towards a five million Russian Jewry was radically revised. The process of abolition of restrictions on travel, education, place of residence initiated by Nicholas I, was provided reverse.


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