The “Imagined Other”

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-94
Author(s):  
Deepa Nair

In 2014, the National Democratic Alliance, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), won the general election with the highest number of seats won by any party since 1984 and went on to win a second term victory in 2019. Since the rise of the BJP, Hindu nationalist interventions into education have increased. Their agenda has been to “indigenise, nationalise and spiritualise” education in India. To this end, textbooks were written to promote a Hindu majoritarian idea of India that sees Hindus as the primary citizens of India and categorizes Muslims as the “other”. This article outlines the political context in which Hindu nationalists have recently attempted to rewrite Indian history by focusing on the period of Muslim rule in India. It looks at textbooks published by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and media reports about regional history rewriting in India.

Africa ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatima L. Adamu

Vigilantism is a term often used to describe any form of policing and ordering that is non-state, and under analysis ‘vigilantism’ has often emerged as negative, associated with violence and violation of individual rights. However, a closer examination of the origin, practice, function and structure of some of the groups often referred to as vigilantes in Nigeria has revealed that not all of them fit into our understanding of vigilantes as gangs of youths that mete out violence and jungle justice to their victims. Some of these vigilantes have their roots in the community and are a preferred form of policing in Nigeria. Many such groups exist across the shari‘a states of northern Nigeria, drawing their legitimacy from different and sometimes competing sources: the Yan'banga from the Hausa traditional and communal establishment, the hisba from the religious establishment and the Yan'achaba from the political establishment. What can we say about the operation, structure and function of these various `vigilantes'? How is the politicking and struggle between religio-political and Hausa traditionalist elites shaping and reforming these three forms? What impact does this struggle have on women and the vulnerable? This article has two aims. One is to question the over-generalization associated with vigilantism in Nigeria by analysing one form of vigilantism – hisba – within the context of informal policing in Zamfara and Kano states. The other is to situate the issue of vigilantes within the northern Nigerian political context rather than within a simple moral framework that casts vigilantes as violent criminals.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Abdelali Arbia ◽  
Fatiha Kaddari ◽  
Rida Hajji Hour ◽  
Abdelrhani Elachqar

Current educational research is almost unanimous on the fundamental role of the competence approach (CA) for effective learning. In fact, on one hand it promotes a better learning, on the other hand it guarantees less stressful conditions for teachers. To be part of this movement, the Moroccan education system adopted this approach since 2000. Since the implementation of this approach can not succeed without the full support of the faculty, where the questions on the origin of this work: have the teachers adopted this approach, as it actually applied, what are their representations on it. To provide some answers to these questions, we have developed a questionnaire that we sent to the 300 teachers of the Secondary Qualifying cycle of several institutions of the Regional Academy of Education and Training of Fes-Boulemane in Morocco. Analysis of this questionnaire using the SPSS software shows that the main obstacles to the application of CA are four. The first obstacle is the low level of the students, the second obstacle is the overload of the programs the third obstacle is the high number of pupils in the classes and the fourth obstacle is the lack of training of the teachers in the CA. Almost half of teachers report that the objectives of applying the competencybased approach are not being met. Hence the need, to operationalize this approach, to act at all levels namely learners, teachers and curricula.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 114-125
Author(s):  
CATHERINE REPUSSARD

A desconstrução do pensamento colonial não é apanágio das vozes pós-coloniais contemporá¢neas que concentram suas análises sobre a questão da percepção da alteridade a partir de uma mirada saá­da das ”periferias” e dirigida ao ”centro”. No seu último filme Tabu, uma história dos mares do Sul (1931), Friedrich W. Murnau denuncia a destruição das culturas extra-européias, notadamente da cultura polinesiana, sob a influência de um intervencionismo polá­tico, económico e cultural europeu. Mas ele insiste, igualmente, sobre a propensão das ”culturas naturais” (Donna Haraway) engendrarem sua própria destruição. Toda a tentativa de emancipação, ilustrada pelo amor proibido que um jovem pescador de pérolas nutre por uma esplêndida jovem, transgride o interdito e leva a morte. Assim, o filme de Murnau, situado entre o documentário e a ficção expressionista, coloca em cena perfeitamente o rejeito da modernidade ocidental, questionando, ao mesmo tempo, a ideia de retorno á s origens. Este questionamento confere a Tabu uma força particular, especialmente no contexto polá­tico da Alemanha dos anos 30.Palavras-chave: Murnau. Cinema. Polinésia. Modernidade. Tradição.Myth and Colonies in the Weimar Republic  Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau”™s Tabu: A Story of the South Seas (1931)Abstract:  Contemporary postcolonial scholars, whose approaches focus on the perception of the Other using a counter-gaze from the ”˜peripheries”™ towards the ”˜centre”™, are not alone in having endeavoured to deconstruct colonial thought. In his last film  Tabu, eine Geschichte aus der Sá¼dsee  (1931), Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau denounced the destruction of non-European cultures (Polynesian in that case) under the influence of the political, economic and cultural European interventionism. He also highlighted the inclination of ”˜culturenatures”™ (Donna Haraway) to generate their own destruction. All attempts at emancipation, including the young pearl diver Matahi”™s forbidden love for the beautiful girl, come up against the immutable taboo dictated by the priest Hitu, who represents Tradition (and murders Matahi), and are doomed to end in death. Halfway between documentary and expressionistic fiction,  Tabu  is a brilliant depiction of the rejection of Western modernity and meditation on the idea of a return to the origins ”“ a particularly resonant work, especially given the political context of Germany in the 1930s.Keywords:  Murnau. Cinema. Polynesia. Modernity. Tradition.  Mythe et colonies dans l”™Allemagne de Weimar  Tabou, une histoire des mers du Sud de Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau (1931)Résumée  :  La déconstruction de la pensée coloniale n”™est pas l”™apanage des voix postcoloniales contemporaines qui concentrent leurs approches sur la question de la perception de l”™altérité á  partir d”™un contre-regard issu des ”˜périphéries”™ et dirigées vers ”˜un centre”™. Dans son dernier film  Tabu, eine Geschichte aus der Sá¼dsee  (1931), Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau dénonce la destruction des cultures extra-européennes, en l”™occurrence de la culture polynésienne, sous l”™influence d”™un interventionnisme politique, économique et culturel européen. Mais il insiste également sur la propension des «  culturenatures   » (Donna Haraway) á  générer leur propre destruction. Toute tentative d”™émancipation, illustrée par l”™amour interdit qu”™un jeune pêcheur de perles Matahi porte á  une splendide jeune fille, Réri, brise en effet l”™immuable tabou dicté par le prêtre Hitu, représentant de la Tradition (et assassin de Matahi) et ne peut que mener á  la mort. Ainsi, le film de Murnau, se situant entre documentaire et fiction expressionniste, met-il parfaitement en scá¨ne le rejet de la modernité occidentale tout en interrogeant l”™idée de retour aux origines. Ce questionnement confá¨re á   Tabu  une force particuliá¨re, notamment dans le contexte politique de l”™Allemagne des années 30.Mots clés: Murnau. Cinéma. Polynésie. Modernité. Tradition.


1970 ◽  
pp. 19-26
Author(s):  
Amal Kawar

Palestinian women occupy a special place in Arab women's political history because of their dynamic involvement in the long Palestinian struggle. Similar to the case of women in the Algerian Revolution, Palestinian women's participation in the nationalist struggle provided an historical opportunity for their social and economic liberation (Hiltermann 1991; Kawar 1996; Peteet 1991; Sabbagh 1998). On the other hand, the Palestinian women's case is a good example of how the political context mandates parameters of women political participation and their struggle for equality.


1971 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Berkhofer,

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Basabi Khan Banerjee ◽  
Georg Stöber

Three societal lines of conflict, “casteism”, communalism, and regionalism, are regarded as severe challenges in present-day India. This article discusses and compares differences between presentations of these lines of conflict in six textbook series for social sciences prepared by the Indian states of Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, and by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) in New Delhi. The variations in perspective, scope, and approach are related to changing educational approaches and to specific discourses of identity politics, which may be explained in terms of the impact of different positions adopted by states and the union towards the issues, and in terms of the discursive dominance of specific sociopolitical viewpoints.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


Author(s):  
Lara Deeb ◽  
Mona Harb

South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.


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