scholarly journals Did Science Leadership Fail SARS-CoV-2 Vaccination Acceptance?

Author(s):  
Susan C. McKarns

The 21st century brought unprecedented challenges for academic medicine. Then, coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) arrived—and has attributed to more than 600,000 deaths in the United States (US) alone. Two, readily available, US Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-authorized COVID-19 mRNA vaccines are more than 90% effective in preventing Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection. Yet, only 55% of all Americans have been partially vaccinated and 45% are fully vaccinated. Most new COVID-19 cases occur in unvaccinated people. In select regions across the US, intensive care units are, once again, overfilled. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has spread far beyond healthcare causing global socioeconomic disruptions and affecting overall human well-being. In my classroom, getting it less than 60% right earns a student an F grade. America has failed to convince its people of the vaccine benefit. How? Was it the government? It is no secret that most Americans don’t trust the government. Did science leadership fail to communicate with the public? Should our educators have taught us more science? Did physicians fail to be open and transparent with their patients? Should we be a more trusting nation? Perhaps all –perhaps none—of these are contributing factors. Is human response behavior taking a toll on human life? One thing is for sure. It is a great injustice that American lives continue to be lost and that others continue to live in fear. More than two millennia ago, the philosopher Socrates argued that humility is the greatest of all virtues. In this report, I elaborate on humble leadership by scientists to improve the imperfect art of communication as a solution to heal our beloved nation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Shah Azami

As part of its “War on Terror”, the United States (US) provided immense sums of money and advanced equipment to Afghan warlords in order to defeat and dismantle the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Nearly two decades after the 2001 US-led intervention in Afghanistan that toppled the Taliban regime, the US continues supporting the warlords in various ways. As the intervention was also aimed at establishing a functioning state and reconstruction of the war-torn country, the US needed the support of local warlords to achieve its goals. However, over time, warlords and warlordism became a major challenge to the postTaliban state-building project and in many ways undermined the overall security and the state monopoly on violence. These warlords, who had been mostly expelled and defeated by the Taliban regime, returned under the aegis of the B52 bombers, recaptured parts of the country and reestablished their fiefdoms with US support and resources. They not only resist giving up the power and prestige they have accumulated over the past few years, but also hamper the effort to improve governance and enact necessary reforms in the country. In addition, many of them run their private militias and have been accused of serious human rights abuses as well as drug trafficking, arms smuggling, illegal mining and extortion in the areas under their control or influence. In many ways, they challenge the government authority and have become a major hurdle to the country’s emerging from lawlessness and anarchy. This paper explores the emergence and reemergence of warlords in Afghanistan as well as the evolution of chaos and anarchy in the country, especially after the US-led intervention of late 2001. It also analyzes the impact of the post-9/11 US support to Afghan warlords and its negative consequences for the overall stability and the US-led state-building process in Afghanistan.


2018 ◽  
Vol 115 (28) ◽  
pp. 7290-7295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noreen Goldman ◽  
Dana A. Glei ◽  
Maxine Weinstein

Although there is little dispute about the impact of the US opioid epidemic on recent mortality, there is less consensus about whether trends reflect increasing despair among American adults. The issue is complicated by the absence of established scales or definitions of despair as well as a paucity of studies examining changes in psychological health, especially well-being, since the 1990s. We contribute evidence using two cross-sectional waves of the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study to assess changes in measures of psychological distress and well-being. These measures capture negative emotions such as sadness, hopelessness, and worthlessness, and positive emotions such as happiness, fulfillment, and life satisfaction. Most of the measures reveal increasing distress and decreasing well-being across the age span for those of low relative socioeconomic position, in contrast to little decline or modest improvement for persons of high relative position.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Umaru A. Pate ◽  
Danjuma Gambo ◽  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim

Since the rising to notoriety of the present ‘genre’ of malicious content peddled as ‘fake news’ (mostly over social media) in 2016 during the United States’ presidential election, barely three years until Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, fake news has made dangerously damaging impacts on the Nigerian society socially, politically and economically. Notably, the escalating herder-farmer communal clashes in the northern parts of the country, ethno-religious crises in Taraba, Plateau and Benue states and the furiously burning fire of the thug-of-war between the ruling party (All Progressives Congress, APC) and the opposition, particularly the main opposition party (People’s Democratic Party, PDP) have all been attributed to fake news, untruth and political propaganda. This paper aims to provide further understanding about the evolving issues regarding fake news and its demonic impact on the Nigerian polity. To make that contribution toward building the literature, extant literature and verifiable online news content on fake news and its attributes were critically reviewed. This paper concludes that fake news and its associated notion of post-truth may continue to pose threat to the Nigerian polity unless strong measures are taken. For the effects of fake news and post-truth phenomena to be suppressed substantially, a tripartite participation involving these key stakeholders – the government, legislators and the public should be modelled and implemented to the letter.


Author(s):  
Scott Barnicle

With the demands of the United States Military constantly evolving, it is necessary to think outside of the common battlefield to find a competitive advantage. Aside from tactical and technical advancement in military science and weaponry, the psychological component of warfare and readiness has been given more attention and resources in recent years. While the primary goal of these programs, which are mainly with the US Army and Navy, is to psychologically train soldiers for optimal performance and readiness, the mental health and psychological well-being upon return from deployment is also a top priority. These programs have grown in scope and size over the past 20 years, and with no end in sight of U.S. military responsibilities, the psychological training platforms continue to be a critical component of global military readiness.


ICL Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 239-256
Author(s):  
Bertrand Lemennicier ◽  
Nikolai Wenzel

Abstract Who gets to determine rights and justice? Which mechanism of judicial selection and accountability is optimal? There is no easy answer. If judges are independent experts, nominated and evaluated by their peers, they will be immune from the pressures of electoral rent-seeking, but unaccountable to the people. If judges are elected, they will be democratically accountable, but subject to the redistributive pressures of the ballot box. If judges are nominated and controlled by politicians, they will face the temptations of bureaucratic self-interest and will not be democratically accountable, but they will be shielded from the Public Choice problems of elections. This paper uses the death penalty in the United States to measure and compare the impact of different methods of judicial selection. In the end, there is no optimal solution – at least not within a state judicial monopoly.


NIAGAWAN ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Pebri Hastuti ◽  
La Ane ◽  
Melati Yahya

The COVID-19 pandemic was first announced by the government on March 2, 2020. COVID-19 has caused many impacts on various economic sectors in Indonesia. Not only in Indonesia but the impact of Covid-19 has disrupted world economic chains. In fact, it has the potential to cause an economic crisis in a number of countries if it is not dealt with quickly and appropriately. Especially in the exchange rate of the rupiah against the United States of America (US) which is increasingly weakening. This study aims to determine differences in the rupiah exchange rate before and during the co-19. The author uses library research instruments, documentation studies, internet browsing, where the data taken is secondary data from relevant agencies obtained from Bank Indonesia publications through Jakarta Interbank Spot Dollar Rate (Jisdor) data, data obtained from Jisdor is the rupiah exchange rate against the US dollar. This study uses quantitative methods with data analysis tools used are different test methods namely Wilcoxon Test with the help of the computer program SPSS Version 21. Where the data is taken from 7 November 2019 to 28 February 2020 before Covid-19 and during Covid-19 on March 2 until June 30, 2020. The method aims to find out significant differences between the rupiah exchange rates before and during the pandemic. The results of data processing showed that there were significant differences between the rupiah exchange rates before and during the pandemic. So it can be concluded that the spread of Covid-19 in the community will further weaken the exchange rate of the rupiah against the US Dollar.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 74
Author(s):  
Jonathan Porat

There is a large push by the United States government to improve the effectiveness and responsiveness of the US regulatory regime. Established proposals aim to improve US regulatory policy by making it easier for the public to use judicial review as a tool to respond to overly burdensome regulations. Much of the debate over the effectiveness of these proposals focuses on more visible regulatory outcomes. Unfortunately, the effect of judicial review on regulatory development is often overlooked. If judicial review promotes less comprehensive regulatory analysis through the presence of inflexible judicial deadlines, then regulatory reform promoting judicial review ironically may not prevent negative regulatory outcomes. This paper empirically measures whether regulations with judicial deadlines are developed less comprehensively than regulations with laxer statutory deadlines. This paper will determine how the differences in the development of regulations with judicial deadlines should influence the way that the government analyzes proposals for regulatory reform.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-492
Author(s):  
Windy Kartika Dewi

Kebijakan angkutan umum berbadan hukum mengenai kewajiban angkutan umum berbadan hukum menuai berbagai pendapat dari pengusaha angkutan umum di Jawa Tengah. Hingga akhir bulan Juli 2017 mayoritas kepemilikan AKDP (Angkutan Umum Antar Kota Dalam Provinsi) di Jawa Tengah masih bersifat perorangan atau belum berbadan hukum dan hanya sebesar 57 persen yang sudah berbadan hukum. Jenis penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif persentase dan analisis interactive model untuk mengetahui efektivitas kebijakan angkutan umum berbadan hukum serta faktor pendorong dan faktor penghambat pelaksanaan kebijakan angkutan umum berbadan hukum pada AKDP di beberapa kabupaten di Jawa Tengah. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa efektivitas kebijakan angkutan umum berbadan hukum pada AKDP di Jawa Tengah belum tercapai. Adapun kendala yang dihadapi yaitu tidak diterapkannya sanksi dari pemerintah kepada angkutan umum yang belum berbadan hukum dan akibat terbitnya Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Nomor 28 Tahun 2017 mengenai pengurangan subsidi yang diterima pengusaha angkutan umum yang sudah berbadan hukum. The incorporated public transport policieson the obligation of public transports receive various opinions from the public transportowners in Central Java.In the last of July 2017, the majority of buses in Central Java were still owned individually or have not legal entities yet. There were 57 percent of incorporated public transport in Central Java.This study is a descriptive qualitative study by using descriptive percentage analysis and interactive model analysis to know the effectiveness of the incorporated public transport policies and to find out the contributing  factors to the effectiveness of the implementation of the incorporated public transport policies on buses in some districts in Central Java.The result of the investigation showed that the effectiveness of the incorporated public transport policies have not achieved yet.There are two obstacles faced in implementing the incorporated public relation policies: (1) No punishment from the government to the public transports which have not legal entities yet; (2) The impact of Permendagri No 28/ 2017 on the subsidy reduction received by the owners  of incorporated public transports.


Genealogy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Jordan Liz

The “Hispanic Paradox” refers to the epidemiological finding that, despite a lower socioeconomic status, Hispanics tend to have health outcomes (especially regarding mortality rates and life expectancy) that are similar to, if not better than, US non-Hispanic Whites. Within the public health literature, a number of explanations have been proposed focusing on reproductive and fertility rates, biological differences, cultural and lifestyle advantages, the impact of selective migration to the US, among others. Despite the abundant literature on this topic since the late 1980s, little work has been done on the paradox from a philosophical perspective. In this paper, I seek to address this gap by offering a genealogy of the “Hispanic Paradox.” The bulk of this paper, then, focuses on exposing how the development of the Hispanic Paradox is epistemically tied to the prevailing anti-immigration discourse of the 1980s and 1990s. By highlighting the relationship between these two phenomena, this paper proposes a new direction for research into the biopolitics of immigration. More specifically, this paper suggests that the discourses of the “browning of America” and the Hispanic Paradox reveal a specifically biopolitical concern over the longevity of the United States as a White-majority country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-705
Author(s):  
Jennifer Jane Hardes

During the late 18th to late 19th centuries, practices of duelling and prize fighting were criminalized in Britain, while boxing remained legal. Through a genealogical method, this article locates discourses, primarily law, medicine, policing and science, to trace these mechanisms of criminalization and legalization. Focusing on the jurisdictions of the United Kingdom and the United States, I argue that the legalization of boxing did not simply emerge as a part of a ‘civilizing process’. Rather, I explain these processes of criminalization and legalization in the context of biopolitical rationalities of governance. In contrast to its contemporaries, boxing was rationalized as a scientific ‘sport’ that fitted with wider biopolitical visions of public health and well-being: allegedly it did not breed violence or threaten the public peace but was instead practised by skilled technicians. However, the biopolitical management of human life within rational and scientific form comes at a price: life’s ontological need for expression, and the drive to experience and witness boxing’s corporeal excesses remains a ghostly presence threatening to undo the sweet ‘science’.


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