Taliban and Afghan peace process

2021 ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Nikita S. Ishchenko
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Past ◽  
Near Future ◽  
Political Settlement

2021 is the year of the American and their allies troops withdrawal from Afghanistan after a 20-year stay. They are leaving the country under the Taliban control which was established impetuously and met with almost no serious resistance. It has happened all but a year after the launching of the inter-Afghan negotiations in Doha between Kabul and Taliban teams opened on September 12, 2020 which became a milestone in attaining the political settlement.  Taliban perceives itself as a victor over both foreign contingent and the Ashraf Ghani’s regime which has come to the end immediately in the wake of NATO troops pullout. This fact is a point of concern for many Afghans and representatives of the international community that the new masters of the country will create a government system without taking into account interests of the other parts of the Afghan conflict. At the same time many experts agree that international community and the majority of Afghans can only recognize the legitimacy of Taliban if it refuses to monopolize power.  If the Taliban leaders admit this approach, then in the near future they will have to negotiate with opponents in order to create an inclusive government, focusing on the political and diplomatic aspects of their activities. Over the past few years, Taliban has gained experience in such work, promoting itself at the international arena as a political force willing to achieve a peaceful solution.  In this article we will look at the participation of Taliban political wing in the peace process since the start of the Doha negotiations and at the very first stage of their de facto power in Afghanistan in order to characterize Taliban representatives as negotiators and diplomats.

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

Sweden is Increasingly Loosing its Peculiarity (On Elections of 2010)

2011 ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
I. Grishin
Keyword(s):  
Social Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Development Model ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Development Model ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Left And Right

The article analyses results of Swedish parliamentary elections in September 2010. The author regards them as another manifestation of the fact that Sweden is losing peculiarity of its social development model. This is a result of the end of an era of two-block party structure of the Riksdag (left and right centers) and of the domination of Social Democrats in the political life of the country. The new third political force – the party of Swedish Democrats which strongly opposes the other culture immigration – is detail regarded.

Grand Coalition Government: The Case of Lebanon

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Badran
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Grand Coalition ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of Ministers

AbstractTo maintain political stability and to preserve the plurality and the diversity that characterise its societies, consociational democracies require, more than other states, a grand coalition government. In this type of democracy, the grand coalition is not a model that is used in exceptional cases, as in majoritarian democracies. It is a deliberate and permanent political choice. In Lebanon, following the modifications implemented by the 1989 Ṭā’if Accord, the Constitution instituted a collegial power-sharing within the executive that implies the establishment of a grand coalition which enables the political participation of the main Lebanese religious confessions in the government. On the other hand, the formation of the Lebanese Council of ministers since the spring of 2005 has become increasingly difficult and coalitions are often less stable than in the past. These laborious negotiations for unstable governmental coalitions are especially problematic in what may be called the perversion of the constitutional procedure by leaders of the parliamentary blocs.

Le mouvement pentecôtiste chilien et la politique

1978 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Tennekes ◽  
M. Fl. Jacques
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Large Majority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present System ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Past ◽  
Common Position ◽  
The Right

This article is an interpretation of the principal results of a survey conducted in 1971 and 1973, regarding the attitude of chilean Pentecostals towards the political life of their country. On the basis of this study it appears that during Allende's period there was a big difference in the political sympathies between the Pentecostal leaders — mainly oriented towards the right — and the mass of the Pentecostal faith ful — who in a large majority entertained sympathies for the left. In spite of this difference in political orientation, the leaders and the other Pentecostals joined in a common position of condemnation of active participation in the political struggle fought at that time, and in general they adopted an attitude of reserve in regard to anything concerning politics. This lign of conduct was not only caused by a concern about dissension in the ecclesial community, but it was also motivated by the idea that politics, as it existed before the coup of 1973, was morally reprehensible. If this background is taken into account, there should be not too much attention paid to the manifestations of support of the present system of government expressed by many Pentecostal leaders in the past few years. It is improbable that these manifestations reflect the feelings of the mass of the Pentecostal believers.

scholarly journals Indian Strategic Economic Tactics and Emergent Challenges for the Developing Countries of the Region

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 64-72
Author(s):  
Shahid Iqbal ◽  
Jan Alam ◽  
Muhammad Zia-ur Rehman
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Strategies ◽  
The World ◽  
Ruling Party

In this paper, we examine the neighborhood especially Indian strategies for the region. The political philosophies and regional strategies related to developing economies in the region need synergy and strategically positive and constructive in nature. Their philosophy to rule and their foreign policy is different from all the other leadership. Indian Current Ruling Party seems involved in different terrorist activities, such Gujarat attack on Muslims and the incident of the Samjhota express. Indian Current Ruling Partys begins wrongdoing on the innocent Kashmiri, its forces also use pellet guns on Kashmiri Muslims. Indian economic strategy is to invest on Chahbahar Port and wish to side stop the economic mega project of CPEC. Indian influence increased in Afghanistan against Pakistan with the boycott of SAARC conference scheduled in Pakistan. The international community has found that Indian current political leadership is as one of the most influential negative political personality among the world leaders.

scholarly journals SANCTIONS: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC FORESHORTENING

2019 ◽  
pp. 34-39
Author(s):  
I. D. Matskulyak ◽  
G. N. Bogacheva ◽  
B. A. Denisov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Perfect Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The One ◽  
External Intervention ◽  
Positive Effect

A number of aspects of the change of the political and economic relations, apparent by the sanctions policy of the western states to the Russian Federation and its realization, has been considered. The balance between the liberty, equality and fraternity, the perfect competition and free business, on the one hand, and the competition of smothering, ball and chain, on the other hand, – has been disclosed. It has been substantiated, that the western states seek to substitute the colonial influence in the past for sanctions pressure in our days. It allows them to get not only the competitive advantage, but also to obtain the absolute dictatorship sometimes. The conclusion has been made, that external intervention in the natural course of managing and especially the rough administrative influence never gives a positive effect.

(Dis)Connected Rail

Transfers ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 152-174
Author(s):  
Adrian Deoanca
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Force ◽  
The Past ◽  
Local Mobility ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Affective Dimensions

The political force of infrastructures is often attributed to their functioning as designed, while their political afterlives remain underexplored. In this article, I explore ethnographically the phatic force of ruins of infrastructure, by dwelling on a liminal railroad segment in Romania that remains unrehabilitated many years after its breakdown. Such an open-ended state of suspension allows the isolation of infrastructure’s political and affective dimensions. The Giurgiu-Bucharest railroad met its demise in 2005 in the wake of heavy floods, producing an infrastructural gap that impacts local mobility and unravels the postsocialist social contract. State authorities and citizens engage in tactics of remediation that, while unsuccessful in resuming traffic, maintain a sense of phatic connection that kindles nostalgia for the past and frustrates anticipation of the future. These tactics make the railroad a medium for hope and at the same time a symbol for the absolute impossibility of hope.

Three Decades of Bangladeshi Politics (1990-2019): The Emergence and Collapse of the Political Settlements

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Ali Riaz
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Dominant Coalition ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
Political Settlement

This paper explores the tumultuous political history of Bangladesh since it embarked on democratization process in 1991 after two decades of civilian and military authoritarianism, using the political settlement framework. Political settlement, in this paper is understood as, an agreement among elites and other social forces regarding ‘distribution of benefits supported by its institutions consistent with the distribution of power in the society’ (Khan, 2010). At the political level the arrangement is expected to ensure that the system would not unravel by conflict and violence. In the past decades, the country not only experienced repeated episodes of violence but also hopes of a democratic transformation have faded. Bangladesh has moved towards a non-inclusive political system. The paper argues that the period in question is marked by the emergence and collapse of a political settlement among political elites. It explores the nature and scope of the political settlement that emerged in the 1980s and collapsed by 2010, and demonstrates that by 2014, an exclusionary authoritarian settlement has emerged characterized by a lack of inclusivity and coercive apparatuses’ heightened role. The breakdown of political settlement was predicated by the nature of the settlement, its implications for the elites in the challenger coalition, and the degree of inclusivity of the dominant coalition. The exclusionary political settlement provides a semblance of ‘stability’ for a limited period but fails to contain the tension in the long term even when it delivers economic growth.

Student movements: Malaya as outlier in Southeast Asia

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-518
Author(s):  
Wang Gungwu
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Student Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Student Group ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The One ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Political Groups

For the past three decades, student movements in most countries in the world have been beaten back, but there are signs that some may be returning. In response to the Arab Spring, students participated fully in Tahrir Square and beyond. The student elections in Egypt that followed, however, seem to have been divided according to the various links that each student group had with the political groups contending for state power, like the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists on the one side, against secular and revolutionary groups on the other. It is not certain if the student elections really reflected the overall mood of the country or whether they were simply shaped by political protagonists outside the campuses.

The Italian General Election of 13 May 2001: Democratic Alternation or False Step?

2001 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini ◽  
Mark Gilbert
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Northern League ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
The Media ◽  
Silvio Berlusconi ◽  
National Alliance

On 13 May 2001, Italy Elected To Power A Centre-Right Coalition headed by the media magnate Silvio Berlusconi. Forza Italia, the political party founded by Berlusconi in 1994 when he first decided to enter politics, became the most widely supported political force in the country with almost 30 per cent of the popular vote. Forza Italia's success was partly a result of its ability to ‘cannibalize’ the votes of two of its smaller coalition partners, the Biancofiore, an electoral coalition between the Christian Democratic Centre (CCD) and the United Christian Democrats (CDU), and the Northern League (Lega Nord), both of whom saw their share of the vote fall sharply. The other party in Berlusconi's ‘House of Freedoms’ coalition, the National Alliance (AN), the formerly neo-fascist party that now sees itself as a pillar of the democratic right, held steady in electoral terms but remains very much a junior partner in the coalition.

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