Cameroon: the radicalization of Islam and the expansion of Boko Haram

2021 ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Tatyana S. Denisova
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Life ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
The North ◽  
Religious Intolerance ◽  
Northern Regions ◽  
Specific Interpretation ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Military

The radicalization of Islam in Cameroon is quickly changing the country's religious landscape and contributing to the spread of religious intolerance. Unlike, for example, neighboring Nigeria and the Central African Republic, previously Cameroon rarely faced serious manifestations of sectarian tensions, but over the past 10-15 years traditional Sufi Islam has been increasingly supplanted by the ideology of Wahhabism. Wahhabism is rapidly spreading not only in the north of the country, but also in the south, which until recently was inhabited mainly by Christians and animists. The spread of Wahhabism is actively supported and funded by Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and Egypt. Sufism, the followers of which mainly include Fulani living in the northern regions, is gradually losing its position. The specific interpretation of Islam leads to the destabilization of religious and public political life, and Koranic schools and refugee camps become "incubators of terrorists". The growing influence of radical Islam in Cameroon is largely due to the expansion of the terrorist organization Boko Haram into the country; one of the consequences of this is the broadening affiliation of Cameroonians, inspired by calls for the cleansing of Islam and the introduction of Sharia law, with this armed Islamist group. As in other African countries, the radicalization of Islam is accompanied by the intensification of terrorist activities, leading to an exacerbation of the internal political situation, an increase in the number of refugees, and the deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the population, etc. The failure of the Cameroonian government to counter terrorist activities in the north of the country in the near future may lead to an escalation of the military-political conflict on religious grounds in the context of political instability that Cameroon is experiencing at the moment.

The Impact of Terrorism on Trade in Nigeria and Chad

2022 ◽  
pp. 76-91
Author(s):  
Isaac Terungwa Terwase ◽  
Muhammad Yusuf ◽  
Abubakar Sambo Mohammed ◽  
Safwan Mikaila Sani
Keyword(s):  
Terrorist Group ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
The North ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The Impact ◽  
North Eastern Part

The Boko Haram conflict started in Nigeria from a city in the north-eastern part of the country known as Maiduguri in 2009 during the administration of President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua. It was a new thing to Nigeria considering the fact that the country was yet to witness terrorism and its activities. Boko Haram later continued after the death of President Yar'Adua, and they became stronger during the President Jonathan's administration. Boko Haram later transformed from an insurgent group into a terrorist group where they spread from Nigeria to other parts of African countries such as Chad, Niger, and Cameroon. This has it effects, impacts, and consequences on trade in Africa. The objective of this chapter is to draw the impact of terrorism on trade with specific attention to Nigeria and Chad.

Militarism and Repression

1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Randle
Keyword(s):  
Raw Materials ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
The North ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Military

The thesis of this essay is that militarism is related to repression, both instrumental and structural. Not only is the military directly used in many countries to keep the population under brutal subjection; the very process of raising and maintaining armed forces (through such practices as conscription, special legislation restricting freedom of information and discussion related to military preparations, and elaborate devices for maintaining discipline and administering justice within the services) threatens, and often actually curtails, people's liberties. Structural repression is brought into play by militarism influencing social, economic and political life in ways that make coercion unavoidable. In the Third World, for instance, militarism has created a cycle of impoverishment, external dependence and exploitation. Similarly, in industrialized countries hyper-militarization (more markedly of the superpowers and their major allies) helps sustain, both directly and indirectly, the unequal global division of labour, under which the major economic role of the South is that of providing raw materials (including those which are non-renewable) at cheap prices to the North.

scholarly journals THE "NORTHERN QUESTION" IN RUSSIAN POLITICAL LANGUAGE IN THE 1860S AND 1870S

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-128
Author(s):  
M. G. Agapov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Russian Arctic ◽  
Political Language ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Russian North ◽  
Weak Points ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Anxiety

The study is dedicated to the emergence of the Russian Arctic politics language which is considered as a set of specific idioms, rhetoric, grammars, and categories. The formation of the Russian Arctic politics language took place during drastic transformations of Russian public and civil political life in the 1860s and 1870s. As any political language, it developed through discussions on political matters: political economy, international relations, and law. Moreover, as every political language, it became an instrument for rationalizing and constructing reality. The rhetoric and pragmatics of the “Russian North protectors”, such as manufacturers V.N. Latkin, M.K. Sidorov, public persons V.L. Dolinskiy, D.L. Mordovtsev, and others, are analyzed in the article. Attempting to gain governmental support for their business projects and promoting the position of “state international policy”, they developed an alarmist conspiracy method of speech (discourse) about the North of Russia, making themselves closer to the dynamically forming conservative nationalist opposition to the liberal reforms. From that perspective, the “Northern question” was constructed as one of weak points of the liberal government. Idiomatic and speech constructions of the “Russian North protectors” were grounded on the thesis about the threat of alienation of the North of Russia. In the 1860s, this resonated with the moral panic originated from the Polish riots of 1863–1864 concerning the “disruption” of the wholeness of the Russian state, and with the “military anxiety” provoked by the eastern crisis of 1875–1876 in the next decade. The author concludes that the key part in forming the Russian Arctic politics language was played by society, which, however, failed to include the “North question” in the current Russian agenda.

VI. The Strategic Background to the Anglo-Russian Entente of August 1907

1966 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 360-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beryl J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Military Policy ◽  
General Staff ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Military

In July 1905 Lord Kitchener, the Indian chief of General Staff, wrote at the krequest of the viceroy a memorandum entitled A note on the Military policy of India, which was in due course sent to England for consideration by the home government. Its plea was for a consistent policy with regard to the North-West Frontier. At the moment, Kitchener complained, this was ‘apt to change with every ministry and almost with every minister, while each incoming Viceroy probably develops a policy of his own’. The main danger facing India was uncompromisingly described as ‘the menacing advance of Russia towards our frontiers’.

SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain

2012 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-202
Author(s):  
Sean F. McEnroe
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
Relative Advantage ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
The North ◽  
Interethnic Conflict ◽  
Complex Population ◽  
History Of ◽  
Eighteenth And Nineteenth Centuries ◽  
The Moment

Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.

SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain

2012 ◽  
Vol 69 (02) ◽  
pp. 179-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean F. McEnroe
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
Relative Advantage ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
The North ◽  
Interethnic Conflict ◽  
Complex Population ◽  
History Of ◽  
Eighteenth And Nineteenth Centuries ◽  
The Moment

Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.

Manuscripts Concerning Mexico and Central America in the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.

1962 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicenta Cortés
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Past History ◽  
The United States ◽  
Library Of Congress ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Regions ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Moment ◽  
To Receive

There is no doubt that manuscripts proceeding from or referring to Ibero-America which are preserved in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress constitute an interesting collection for the historian of the Hispanic world. This collection was begun in the second half of the nineteenth century when the library started to receive writings, documents, correspondence, and diverse papers relating to the past history of these northern regions and of other countries south of the frontiers of the United States. It was the moment when the North American collectors and antiquarians began to frequent the auctions of papers and books, when individuals and universities began to make their collections of material from which historians could procure documentation for their writings. The Library of Congress did not stay on the fringe of this movement, and some outstanding examples of documentation began to arrive in this depository, so much so that in 1900 the head of the Manuscript Division sent to the Congress of Americanists meeting in Paris a catalogue of the fifteen items relating to Mexico to be found under his care.

Problems of the organization and activities of bodies of the Soviet justice in the national regions of the north of the Tyumen Region Tobol District in 1920-1927

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-128
Author(s):  
Alexander Ya. Kodintsev
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Climatic Conditions ◽  
The Urals ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Areas ◽  
Northern Regions ◽  
Territorial Structure ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Moment

This article reveals the history of the formation of the early Soviet justice authorities in the northern regions of Western Siberia and the Urals in the 1920s using archival materials. The activities of the first judges, investigators, bailiffs, and prosecutors show the state policy in introducing the principles of Soviet law in an isolated region of Russia. This paper explains the role of the Soviet justice authorities in strengthening the new government in the isolated regions of the RSFSR. The information provided expands our knowledge about the process of establishing the law enforcement system in Russia. The purpose of the article is to identify the specifics of the activities of the Soviet justice authorities in the conditions of the North of Russia in the 1920s. Native justice authorities are not the subject of research in this article. The sources of the research include the documents of the bolshevik, Soviet, and law enforcement agencies stored in the archives of Tyumen, Tobolsk, Yekaterinburg, Omsk, Khanty-Mansiysk, and Surgut. This article has used the system-structural and the comparative analysis methods. The territorial scope of the study includes two northern districts of the Tyumen Region and five northern areas of the Tobolsk District of the Ural region. The chronological framework is defined by the period in 1920-1927. The first date is the moment of the creation of the first Soviet judicial bodies in the Tyumen province. The second date is related to the beginning of the Cultural Revolution and the transfer of managerial powers to the district courts. This moment starts the rejection of the model of Soviet justice created in 1922. This study has revealed the inability of the Soviet state to establish a permanent system of repressive organs in the north of the Urals. The management structure, territorial structure, and staff changed with kaleidoscopic speed. Young communists, mobilized to serve in courts and as prosecutors, tried to pursue the Bolshevik policy. Yet the outrageous illiteracy and severe climatic conditions forced them to leave the North, and the party bodies could not stop this process.

North Korean Proliferation on the African Continent

2018 ◽  
pp. 118-137
Author(s):  
Bruce E. Bechtol
Keyword(s):  
North Korea ◽  
African Continent ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The North ◽  
Congo Brazzaville ◽  
The Military ◽  
And Training

There are so many countries in Africa that North Korea provides goods and services to that space does not permit the listing of all its activities there. In this chapter, the focus will be on the military proliferation activities that have occurred since the beginning of the Kim Jong-un era (with a focus on how many of these activities began long before Kim Jong-un became the North Korean leader). African countries to which North Korea continues to sell military weapons, refurbishment, and training include (but are not limited to) Ethiopia, Eritrea, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (DRC), Zimbabwe, Uganda, and even Egypt.

Victorian Pressure Groups: Directions for Research

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Howard LeRoy Malchow
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Urban Centers ◽  
Social Clubs ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
The North ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Leadership And Organization ◽  
The Moment

In recent years there has been considerable interest in Victorian politics and the Victorian political system. This has provided a substantial and continuing literature, much of which, however, remains preoccupied with leadership and organization at a parliamentary level. It may, therefore, be valuable to suggest an area within this most traditional of fields which might provide an alternative approach to that of “high politics”—of cabinet intrigue and parliamentary speech-making. In fact, one might ignore, for the moment, Parliament altogether, and consider that side of Victorian political activity which has been largely obscured by Hatfield dinner parties and Highbury foxing. That is, the manner in which Englishmen from outside Westminster, and perhaps from outside the formal institutions of party and government, attempted to determine the substance of issues and solutions debated in Parliament and at Whitehall.One should avoid confusing the visible and symbolic place Parliament has occupied with the reality of political initiative. In England the rapid growth of new economies and the cities they created in the North and Midlands at the beginning of the Victorian age detracted from the centralness of London and Westminster, blurring somewhat the focus of English economic and political life, and creating new urban hierarchies consciously opposed to domination from Whitehall. Within the vast new urban centers, fed by a rural migration and accellerated by the spreading railway system, voluntary associations of all sorts became a peculiarly Victorian characteristic—serving perhaps as surrogates for a sense of community lost in the passage from a rural to an urban environment. Reading and corresponding societies, social clubs, self-help and benevolent associations, charities—this kind of activity penetrated Victorian society from the respectable working classes to the very rich. Related to this social phenomenon was a growth in local and national political associations—what one might today call “cause lobbies.” It is this type of pressure group activity, predominantly urban and probably largely middle-class, which needs to be more systematically studied. This essay will attempt to indicate the value of such research into “low politics,” and to suggest some avenues of approach.

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