Victorian Pressure Groups: Directions for Research

1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Howard LeRoy Malchow

In recent years there has been considerable interest in Victorian politics and the Victorian political system. This has provided a substantial and continuing literature, much of which, however, remains preoccupied with leadership and organization at a parliamentary level. It may, therefore, be valuable to suggest an area within this most traditional of fields which might provide an alternative approach to that of “high politics”—of cabinet intrigue and parliamentary speech-making. In fact, one might ignore, for the moment, Parliament altogether, and consider that side of Victorian political activity which has been largely obscured by Hatfield dinner parties and Highbury foxing. That is, the manner in which Englishmen from outside Westminster, and perhaps from outside the formal institutions of party and government, attempted to determine the substance of issues and solutions debated in Parliament and at Whitehall.One should avoid confusing the visible and symbolic place Parliament has occupied with the reality of political initiative. In England the rapid growth of new economies and the cities they created in the North and Midlands at the beginning of the Victorian age detracted from the centralness of London and Westminster, blurring somewhat the focus of English economic and political life, and creating new urban hierarchies consciously opposed to domination from Whitehall. Within the vast new urban centers, fed by a rural migration and accellerated by the spreading railway system, voluntary associations of all sorts became a peculiarly Victorian characteristic—serving perhaps as surrogates for a sense of community lost in the passage from a rural to an urban environment. Reading and corresponding societies, social clubs, self-help and benevolent associations, charities—this kind of activity penetrated Victorian society from the respectable working classes to the very rich. Related to this social phenomenon was a growth in local and national political associations—what one might today call “cause lobbies.” It is this type of pressure group activity, predominantly urban and probably largely middle-class, which needs to be more systematically studied. This essay will attempt to indicate the value of such research into “low politics,” and to suggest some avenues of approach.

Author(s):  
Tatyana S. Denisova

The radicalization of Islam in Cameroon is quickly changing the country's religious landscape and contributing to the spread of religious intolerance. Unlike, for example, neighboring Nigeria and the Central African Republic, previously Cameroon rarely faced serious manifestations of sectarian tensions, but over the past 10-15 years traditional Sufi Islam has been increasingly supplanted by the ideology of Wahhabism. Wahhabism is rapidly spreading not only in the north of the country, but also in the south, which until recently was inhabited mainly by Christians and animists. The spread of Wahhabism is actively supported and funded by Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and Egypt. Sufism, the followers of which mainly include Fulani living in the northern regions, is gradually losing its position. The specific interpretation of Islam leads to the destabilization of religious and public political life, and Koranic schools and refugee camps become "incubators of terrorists". The growing influence of radical Islam in Cameroon is largely due to the expansion of the terrorist organization Boko Haram into the country; one of the consequences of this is the broadening affiliation of Cameroonians, inspired by calls for the cleansing of Islam and the introduction of Sharia law, with this armed Islamist group. As in other African countries, the radicalization of Islam is accompanied by the intensification of terrorist activities, leading to an exacerbation of the internal political situation, an increase in the number of refugees, and the deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the population, etc. The failure of the Cameroonian government to counter terrorist activities in the north of the country in the near future may lead to an escalation of the military-political conflict on religious grounds in the context of political instability that Cameroon is experiencing at the moment.


2012 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-202
Author(s):  
Sean F. McEnroe

Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.


2012 ◽  
Vol 69 (02) ◽  
pp. 179-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean F. McEnroe

Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.


Author(s):  
Ya. S. Zanozina ◽  
◽  
V. M. Plitkina ◽  
A. A. Fomenkov ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to an important event in the political history of post-Soviet Russia, namely the first parliamentary elections in its history. The aim of the work was to determine the specifics of the results of the first elections of deputies of the Russian Parliament after the collapse of the USSR in the Nizhny Novgorod region. The tasks of the work are related to the study of the elections of deputies of the State Duma (both by single-mandate districts and by party lists), and the Federation Council. A number of conclusions are drawn regarding the political sympathies of residents of different administrative-territorial units of the Nizhny Novgorod region in the first half of the last decade. A kind of Nizhny Novgorod «red belt» is defined geographically, consisting of the southern districts of the region, as well as several districts of the north and east of the region, where voters mostly supported the left. It is revealed that the level of political activity in the elections is quite high, which is not surprising in view of the intense political life during the perestroika period in Gorky, and then in Nizhny Novgorod


Diagnostics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 907
Author(s):  
Laura Teodoriu ◽  
Maria Christina Ungureanu ◽  
Letitia Leustean ◽  
Cristina Preda ◽  
Delia Ciobanu ◽  
...  

Thyroid cancer (TC) represents a worldwide problem, the consistent growth of the incidence increment issues about management of risk factors and curative treatment. Updated statistical data are not complete in the North East region of Romania and need to be improved. Therefore, through this study, we aim to renew the existing data on thyroid cancer. We conducted a retrospective study covering a period of 10 years. Data were collected from a hospital information system (InfoWorld) between 2009 and 2019. Patients’ age groups were stratified in relation with the age at the moment of the Chernobyl event. A database was obtained (Microsoft Excel) and statistical correlations were applied. In the studied period, 1159 patients were diagnosed: 968 females and 191 males, distributed by region, with the highest addressability in Iasi (529), followed by neighboring counties. Age distribution displayed that most of the thyroid cancers were in the range 4060 years old (50.94%), followed by 60–80 years old (32.41%). Most patients were diagnosed with papillary carcinoma 63.10%, then follicular 14.7%, medullary 6.74% and undifferentiated 1.02%. Romania was in the vicinity of the radioactive cloud at Chernobyl fallout, so we must deliberate whether the increased incidence of thyroid cancer in the age group 40–60 years is associated with radiogenicity (iodine 131) given the fact that over has 35 years and the half-life of other radioisotopes like Caesium-137 and Strontium -90 is completed.


Author(s):  
Hans Morten Haugen

Abstract Norway’s policies regarding Sámi and most national minorities in an historic perspective can be characterized as forced assimilation; except for Jews and Roma, where the historic policy can be termed exclusion. The Norwegian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (trc) is intended to be a broad-based process, resulting in a report to the Norwegian Parliament in 2022. After identifying various explanations for the relatively strong standing of the (North) Sámi domestically and in international forums, the article identifies various ways that human rights will be important for the trc’s work and final report: (i) self-determination; (ii) participation in political life; (iii) participation in cultural life; (iv) family life; (v) private life; and (vi) human dignity. Some of these rights are relatively wide, but all give relevant guidance to the trc’s work. The right to private life did not prevent the Norwegian Parliament’s temporary law to enable the trc’s access to archives


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. E2
Author(s):  
Walter C. Jean ◽  
Trong Huynh ◽  
Tuan A. Pham ◽  
Hung M. Ngo ◽  
Hasan R. Syed ◽  
...  

The current report is the first of its kind in describing the neurosurgical training in modern-day Vietnam. Starting with in-depth face-to-face interviews, followed by electronically distributed questionnaires, a detailed picture of the training systems emerged.Neurosurgical training in Vietnam is multifaceted and dichotomous. The country of nearly 100 million people currently has only one neurosurgery-specific residency program, at the University of Medicine and Pharmacy at Ho Chi Minh City (UMPHCMC). This program lasts for 3 years, and Westerners might recognize many similarities to programs native to their countries. A similar training program exists in the north, at the Hanoi Medical University, but at this institution, trainees focus on neurosurgery only in the final year of their 3-year training. Neurosurgical training that resembles the program in Hanoi permeates the rest of the country, and the goal for all of the programs is to rapidly produce surgeons who can be dispersed throughout the country to treat patients requiring urgent neurosurgical procedures who are medically unsuitable for transfer to large urban centers and multispecialty hospitals. For the privilege of practicing elective neurosurgery, trainees around the country are required to acquire further training in Ho Chi Minh City or Hanoi or during fellowships abroad.A clear description of the neurosurgical training systems in Vietnam is hard to achieve, as there exist many diverse pathways and no standard definition of the endpoint for training. Unification and a clearer certification standard will likely help to elevate the standards of training and the state of neurosurgical practice in Vietnam.


Author(s):  
Olga V. Zakharchenko

Preparation of undergraduates and privat-docents for professorship in the late XIX – early XX century is considered on the example of Moscow University through the prism of the biography of a historian and a jurist Sergei Andreevich Kotlyarevsky. The uniqueness of his example lies in the fact that he defended four dissertations: master’s and doctoral dissertations on foreign history and master’s and doctoral dissertations on public law. This demonstrates some individualism of the trajectory showing his professional development and formation as a scientist and a teacher. The research perspective includes the process of young scientists’ formation from the moment of continuing working at the university’s profile department to prepare a dissertation up to obtaining the degree. Attention is paid to socio-political circumstances and conditions affecting the possibility of becoming a professional scientist and teacher. Both formal and special features of the training scientific and teaching staff inherent in a particular scientific community are noted. The professional development of future scientists and teachers of higher education was associated with active preparation for the defense of the master’s exam, the first teaching experience, scientific and research work. The best graduates were left at the departments with the support of leading university professors who saw new forces and future professionals in them. However, the personal contribution of the applicants themselves was important, since they were required to reveal their intellectual potential, pedagogical and research skills. At this, an important aspect was the opportunity to go on foreign business trips, in which not only the material of scientific research was collected, but knowledge was enriched as well, including getting to know the peculiarities of teaching in European countries and their socio-political life. The preparation process was completed with the public defense of the master’s dissertation and awarding a master’s degree. At the same time, the path to the teaching environment began, which required further disclosure of scientific potential and the defense of a doctoral dissertation in order to obtain a professorship.


Author(s):  
Janny Rowena ◽  
Fuji Rahayu Wilujeng ◽  
Glisina Dwinoor Rembulan

One indicator that shows the quality of government performance is the quality of public service offices. Public services in Indonesia have an important role in economic and political life. The magnitude of the role of the district office in providing services around population bureaucracy issues, especially in the province of DKI Jakarta, is still often getting complaints from the public. This study aims to assess the level of community satisfaction with the quality of district office services in the Jakarta province, specifically the North Jakarta municipality. This study uses multilinear regression and uses the T-test to find out the significant level of influence of independent variables on the dependent. The study used five exogenous variables (procedures, information, time, facilities, and infrastructure, and environmental comfort) and 1 endogenous variable (satisfaction). The results of this study are all exogenous variables that have a positive and significant effect on the satisfaction of Jakarta citizens, which means that urban district office services have a positive and significant effect on the satisfaction of Jakarta citizens when viewed from procedures, information, time, facilities, and infrastructure as well as environmental comfort. The provincial government of DKI Jakarta must maintain and improve existing service procedures, some attributes of information that are already very good, good values regarding the certainty of the time of completion of services, several aspects of facilities and infrastructure, and comfortable environmental conditions, both in the service office or in the service support facilities.


Author(s):  
Nina Grishina ◽  

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.


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