North Korean Proliferation on the African Continent

Author(s):  
Bruce E. Bechtol

There are so many countries in Africa that North Korea provides goods and services to that space does not permit the listing of all its activities there. In this chapter, the focus will be on the military proliferation activities that have occurred since the beginning of the Kim Jong-un era (with a focus on how many of these activities began long before Kim Jong-un became the North Korean leader). African countries to which North Korea continues to sell military weapons, refurbishment, and training include (but are not limited to) Ethiopia, Eritrea, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (DRC), Zimbabwe, Uganda, and even Egypt.

Author(s):  
Vasilii Lebedev

Abstract The North Korean police were arguably one of the most important organisations in liberated North Korea. It was instrumental in stabilising the North Korean society and eventually became one of the backbones for both the new North Korean regime and its military force. Scholars of different political orientation have attempted to reconstruct its early history leading to a set of views ranging from the “traditionalist” sovietisation concept to the more contemporary “revisionist” reconstruction that portrayed it as the cooperation of North Korean elites with the Soviet authorities in their bid for the control over the politics and the military, in which the Soviets merely played the supporting role. Drawing from the Soviet archival documents, this paper presents a third perspective, arguing that initially, the Soviet military administration in North Korea did not pursue any clear-cut political goals. On the contrary, the Soviet administration initially viewed North Koreans with distrust, making Soviets constantly conduct direct interventions to prevent North Korean radicals from using the police in their political struggle.


Author(s):  
Tatyana S. Denisova

The radicalization of Islam in Cameroon is quickly changing the country's religious landscape and contributing to the spread of religious intolerance. Unlike, for example, neighboring Nigeria and the Central African Republic, previously Cameroon rarely faced serious manifestations of sectarian tensions, but over the past 10-15 years traditional Sufi Islam has been increasingly supplanted by the ideology of Wahhabism. Wahhabism is rapidly spreading not only in the north of the country, but also in the south, which until recently was inhabited mainly by Christians and animists. The spread of Wahhabism is actively supported and funded by Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and Egypt. Sufism, the followers of which mainly include Fulani living in the northern regions, is gradually losing its position. The specific interpretation of Islam leads to the destabilization of religious and public political life, and Koranic schools and refugee camps become "incubators of terrorists". The growing influence of radical Islam in Cameroon is largely due to the expansion of the terrorist organization Boko Haram into the country; one of the consequences of this is the broadening affiliation of Cameroonians, inspired by calls for the cleansing of Islam and the introduction of Sharia law, with this armed Islamist group. As in other African countries, the radicalization of Islam is accompanied by the intensification of terrorist activities, leading to an exacerbation of the internal political situation, an increase in the number of refugees, and the deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the population, etc. The failure of the Cameroonian government to counter terrorist activities in the north of the country in the near future may lead to an escalation of the military-political conflict on religious grounds in the context of political instability that Cameroon is experiencing at the moment.


Refuge ◽  
1994 ◽  
pp. 18-20
Author(s):  
François-Xavier Verschave

The Rwandese genocide dramatically reveals the senseless nature of French policy in Africa-determined by personal relationships, speculation, and corruption. As the "reserved domain" of the French President for the past 35 years, French policy on the African continent has been dominated by personal relationships between the French President and his African counterparts, the military lobby, the francophone lobby (Fachoda Syndrome), and some French enterprises (EL Bouygues, Bolloré), all of which have escaped from an democratic control. Hence in Rwanda, France armed, financed, and trained a regime that exhibited Nazi-like features with its guard presidential, militia, hatred ropaganda (Radio Mille Collines), pogroms throughout 1992, and finally the genocide of April 1994. Since the coming into power of the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF)-perceived as pro-Anglo- Saxon because of its link with Uganda-France has multiplied its efforts to fill the (pro-French) vacuum left in the region, by calling upon the Zairean dictator Mobutu to "stabilize" the region, and by selling the usual military "package" (arms and training) to the Sudanese regime. [The author is calling upon] the French population and the international community to mobilize against the present French policy in Africa, and identifies three French organizations that are currently lobbying for a human, pro-democratic and non-secretive French policy in Africa.


2019 ◽  
pp. 132-152
Author(s):  
Sijbren Cnossen

Chapter 10 provides a detailed review and analysis of the manifold non-standard exemptions and zero rates found around the African continent, which are most costly in terms of revenue forgone. One table lists the non-standard exemptions of unprocessed foodstuffs, agricultural inputs, medical supplies, utilities, print, fuel, and some other goods and services on a country-by-country basis. For each item, some indication is provided about the reach of each exemption or zero/lower rate. A second table does the same for the zero or positive but reduced rates on the same items. The chapter concludes with an overview of the VAT reforms in four countries—Benin, Kenya, Senegal, and Tanzania—that have eliminated most, if not all, non-standard exemptions and zero rates, a move that other African countries may wish to consider too.


Author(s):  
Seongji Woo

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has long remained a hermit socialist nation. The North Korean leaders have endeavored to build a strong military with a large manpower and nuclear weapons capabilities even though some of its military gear is outmoded. The dictatorship in Pyongyang has used the ever-present threats from external hostile forces as well as potential domestic enemies as a rationale for beefing up its armed forces. The origin of the North Korean military dates back to Kim Il-sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle in the 1930s. Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, his successors, have continued to improve the country’s nuclear and missile programs with vigor, even at the expense of a failing economy. Kim Jong-un has been bargaining with the United States over the scaling down of his nuclear and missile programs while hinting at major economic reform and opening up projects to revive the economy. Whether Pyongyang is genuine about denuclearization in exchange for international economic support and security guarantees remains unclear. North Korea has a highly militarized regime and, thus, some have referred to it as a garrison state or a fortress state. Its posture to the outside world is oftentimes militant and abrasive. The regime in Pyongyang invaded its southern neighbor in a fratricidal war in the early 1950s. The history of inter-Korean relations since then has been marred by repetitive currents of feuds and crises, many of which have been inflamed by the North. The North Korean military holds a firm place in society. Over its history, North Korea’s Supreme Leader, along with the Korean Workers’ Party, has maintained tight control over the military. The leader’s firm control of the armed forces is likely to persist for the time being.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. E12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasser M. F. El-Ghandour

OBJECTIVEAfrica still significantly lags in the development of neurosurgery. Egypt, located in North Africa, is well-developed in this specialty, with the largest number of neurosurgeons among all African countries. This article provides insight into neurosurgical training in Egypt, the challenges African neurosurgeons are facing, and the requirements needed to enhance neurosurgical education and build up the required neurosurgical capacity in Africa.METHODSThe information presented in the current work was collected from databases of the Egyptian Society of Neurological Surgeons and the World Federation of Neurosurgical Societies.RESULTSThere are two types of neurosurgical certification in Egypt. The first type is granted by the universities (MD), and the second is awarded by the Ministry of Health (Fellow of Neurosurgery). The program in both types ranges from 6 to 9 years. The number of qualified neurosurgeons in Egypt constitutes one-third of the total number of African neurosurgeons. There is a significant shortage of neurological surgeons in Africa, and the distribution is entirely unbalanced, with the majority of neurosurgeons concentrated in the North and South regions. The most important challenge facing neurosurgery in Africa is lack of resources, which is considered to be the main obstacle to the development of neurosurgery. Other challenges include the limited number of neurosurgeons, lack of training programs, and lack of collaboration among the different regions.CONCLUSIONSProper collaboration among the different regions within the African continent regarding neurosurgical education will enhance African neurosurgical capacity and make neurosurgery an independent specialty. The definite functional polarity among different regions, regarding both the number of qualified neurosurgeons and the neurosurgical capacity, is an important factor that could help in the development of neurosurgery in this continent.


Author(s):  
أ.آمال بنت احمد بن صويلح

لخلاصة Nuclear energy is among the most important discoveries reached by the human terms contributed to the solution of many problems faced by the states. The last of these that are not only utilizing it in a peaceful area, but tended toward the military field and the nuclear weapons industry , Among these countries, we find North Korea, which has openly declared their manufacture of nuclear weapons and thus entry to the club of nuclear countries. International Atomic Energy Agency has worked to resolve the North Korea standoff but has not been able to achieve positive results, prompting the intervention of European countries in order to end the crisis. تعدُّ الطاقة النووية من بين أهم الاستكشافات التي توصل إليها الإنسان إذ ساهمت في حلِّ العديد من المشاكل التي واجهت الدول . هذه الأخيرة التي لم تكتفي بتوظيفها في المجال السلمي بل اتجهت نحو المجال العسكري وصناعة السلاح النووي .من بين هذه الدول نجد كوريا الشمالية التي أعلنت صراحة صناعتها للسلاح النووي ودخولها بذلك لنادي الدول النووية . عملت الوكالة الدولية للطاقة الذرية على حلِّ أزمة كوريا الشمالية لكنها لم تتمكن من تحقيق نتائج ايجابية ما دفع لتدخل دول أوروبية قصد إنهاء الأزمة. الكلمات المفتاحية : البرنامج النووي ،كوريا الشمالية ، التسلح النووي


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (12) ◽  
pp. 68-78
Author(s):  
I. Abramova ◽  
L. Fituni

More than two years have passed since the first Russia-Africa Summit and Economic Forum, which were successfully held in Sochi in October 2019. The very fact of holding an event of this magnitude testifies both to the historical “turn” of the Russian Federation towards the African continent, and to the unprecedented enthusiasm of the African side about the “return” of Russia to Africa. The task facing the organizers of the next Russia-Africa Summit is to consolidate and build on the success achieved in October 2019. Obviously, the second forum should not be a repetition of the first, but a qualitatively new step in the development of Russian-African relations, therefore, its meaningful content needs to be substantially enhanced and expanded. It is necessary to move from the formulation of goals and objectives of Russian policy in the African direction to the implementation of specific projects and the development of a mechanism and tools for mutually beneficial cooperation. It is vital to show the Africans exactly how Russia differs from other partners of the continent, and to highlight those areas of cooperation that can contribute to the implementation of the strategic development tasks of the Russian Federation and the African continent. The authors of the article posit, that the key link in our relations in the near future, which will be attractive for African countries and will contribute to the successful economic development of the Russian Federation, can be the development of bilateral opportunities for technological partnership, since it becomes for the interacting parties a driver for the development of their economies in the context of the fourth industrial revolution and an incentive to create new strategic alliances. In a post-pandemic world, the demand for Russian technologies in Africa can grow significantly, since Russia has high competencies in precisely those areas that are most in demand today on the African continent. The transfer of Russian technologies, as well as cooperation in the scientific field, are not only beneficial to Russia in terms of image, presenting Moscow as a force contributing to the advanced development of Africa and strengthening its economic sovereignty. It allows our country to form an army of its supporters in the states of the continent by solving the problem of overcoming technological backwardness and training qualified personnel who will master and promote specifically Russian technological solutions. In addition, Russia receives a vast “testing ground” for processing and improving its technologies, which are in demand by the fast-growing young African population, and a huge market for Russian high-tech goods and services, which is so necessary for many Russians, including regional, manufacturers who are ready to increase their production, but experience difficulties in marketing their produce.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-524
Author(s):  
Jai S. Mah

Abstract The North Korean government declared a pursuit of the Military-First Policy and the Ideology of Focusing on Science and Technology in the late 1990s. It thus made science and technology central to its goal of the Establishment of Strong and Prosperous State. North Korea came to perceive science and technology as engines for promoting both nuclear armament and economic development. The switch of policy attention to science and technology has facilitated the development of some selected technology-intensive industries. In 2017, North Korea declared that it had completed development of nuclear weapons and intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). Although North Korea’s development of hi-tech arms including nuclear bombs and ICBMs appears inconsistent with its low level of economic development, it can be understood in light of the North Korean government’s emphasis on science and technology and prioritization of the allocation of resources to defense.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Andrew Jackson

One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.


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