Gender identity as a subject of communicative politics

Author(s):  
Iryna Tsikul

The article is devoted to the analysis of "social" and "private" and the definition of constructive mechanisms that influence the structure of society and social relations. The ratio of private and public is the main structural feature of the feminist approach to the analysis of society. The problem of public and private is especially relevant in the context of political science, because it is at the intersection of public and private life that gender identity is formed, standardized patterns of courage and femininity arise. Gender studies develop and popularize stereotypes related to gender differences, introduce them into social and political relations, and create dichotomies. Considering the public and private sphere through the prism of gender studies, we disclose the main aspects of contemporary criticism of these spheres in a theoretical and political context. Public and private are multifaceted phenomena that can be analyzed from a variety of positions. Personal attitudes are manifested in the appearance and behavior of people, in media and political discourses, in scientific and theoretical models. They change, most often imperceptibly, the perception of both individual subjects and entire institutions. In our time, if we are talking about politics and identity on public and personal, on the theory and practice, it is necessary to take into account the real relations of power, the genesis of categories and discover the origins of inequality and discrimination. Keywords: Gender, gender identity, gender stereotype, self-presentation, communication, discourse

Author(s):  
Santosh Khadka

Facebook, like any other social networking site, troubles the traditional categories of private and public spheres. As it complicates (and transcends) the distinction, it can be called a different space, or a liminal space, which falls somewhere in-between private and public spheres. The author argues that this recognition of Facebook as a liminal sphere has important implications to the (re) definition of public and private spheres and to the ways rhetoric should work or be used in the Web 2.0 sites like Facebook. The author also proposes that Michael de Certeau's notions of “strategy” and “tactics” can be powerful rhetorical tools to deal with Facebook's liminality and to enhance the rhetorical performance of self in Facebook and other similar new media forums.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-573
Author(s):  
Honor Brabazon

While the privatisation of public space has been the subject of considerable research, literature exploring the shifting boundaries between public and private law, and the role of those shifts in the expansion of neo-liberal social relations, has been slower to develop. This article explores the use of fire safety regulations to evict political occupations in the context of these shifts. Two examples from the UK student occupation movement and two from the US Occupy movement demonstrate how discourses and logics of both private and public law are mobilised through fire hazard claims to create the potent image of a neutral containment of dissent on technical grounds in the public interest – an image that proves difficult to contest. However, the recourse to the public interest and to expert opinion that underpins fire hazard claims is inconsistent with principles governing the limited neo-liberal political sphere, which underscores the pragmatic and continually negotiated implementation of neo-liberal ideas. The article sheds light on the complexity of the extending reach of private law, on the resilience of the public sphere and on the significance of occupations as a battleground on which struggles over neo-liberal social relations and subjectivities play out.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
KARSTEN VRANGBÆK*

AbstractThis article investigates the current use of Public–Private Partnerships (PPP) in the Danish health sector based on an initial discussion of theoretical approaches that analyze PPP. The empirical analysis concludes that PPP has been used very sparsely in the Danish health sector. There are few examples of large-scale partnership projects with joint investment and risk taking, but a number of smaller partnerships such as jointly owned companies at the regional level. When defining PPP more broadly, we can identify a long tradition for various types of collaboration between public and private actors in health care in Denmark. An analysis of the regulatory environment is offered as an explanation for the limited use of PPPs in Denmark. Major political and institutional actors at the central level differ in their enthusiasm for the PPP concept, and the regulatory framework is somewhat uncertain. A number of general issues and concerns related to PPPs are also discussed. It is suggested that a risk-based framework can be useful for mapping the potential and challenges for both private and public partners. Such a framework can be used to feed into game theoretical models of pros and cons for PPP projects. In general terms, it is concluded that more empirical research is needed for the assessment of the various risk factors involved in using PPPs in health care. Most PPPs are still very young, and the evidence on performance and broader governance issues is only just emerging. Ideally, such assessments should include comparisons with a purely public alternative.


2008 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krishan Kumar ◽  
Ekaterina Makarova

Much commentary indicates that, starting from the 19th century, the home has become the privileged site of private life. In doing so it has established an increasingly rigid separation between the private and public spheres. This article does not disagree with this basic conviction. But we argue that, in more recent times, there has been a further development, in that the private life of the home has been carried into the public sphere—what we call “the domestication of public space.” This has led to a further attenuation of public life, especially as regards sociability. It has also increased the perception that what is required is a better “balance” between public and private. We argue that this misconstrues the nature of the relation of public to private in those periods that attained the greatest degree of sociability, and that not “balance” but “reciprocity” is the desired condition.


IDEA JOURNAL ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 88-101
Author(s):  
Menna Agha ◽  
Els DeVos

In 1964, indigenous Nubians were displaced from their original land – the land between what is now Egypt and that of Sudan – to modernised settlements built by the Egyptian state. The Nubians dissatisfaction with the novel built environment translated into transgressive public spaces. One of the most common transgressions was the addition of an external bench called Mastaba. Since power relations between men and women have changed, the built environment now acts as a catalyst in the exclusion of women from formal public spaces such as conventional coffee shops and squares. Mastabas function as liminal spaces, spaces which blur the boundaries between public and private spheres. As these spaces do not suit the formal understanding of public spaces, we investigate these liminal spaces in order to reveal the spatial tactics of the marginal. We argue that the existence of these spaces raises issues of spatial justice and spatial resistance.    The behaviour of liminal public spaces varies; they have the ability to transform adjacent spaces. This research investigates the role of the Mastaba in opening up the public space for women, thereby giving them the ability to contribute to the writing of their social contract. We base our analysis on extensive fieldwork, consisting of auto-ethnographic observations and participation, informed by a feminist epistemology. We use tools of spatial analysis to explore an alternative public space offered by liminality. To question the binary notions of private and public space, we ask ourselves: where does that space start? As spatial professionals, we also wonder: can we contest the hegemonic definition of public space and contribute to spatial resistance? Drawing lessons from the case of the Mastaba, we propose contingencies for designing the liminal that serve the marginal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Eliesér Toretta Zen ◽  
Douglas Christian Ferrari de Mello

Objetivamos analisar, a partir de estudos bibliográficos, as relações sociais capitalistas, Estado ampliado e formação humana a partir do pensamento de Antonio Gramsci. Fizemos um estudo bibliográfico a partir do referencial teórico de Gramsci e de seus principais intérpretes. O estudo revelou, que para Gramsci, o Estado não é visto como algo monolítico, sem contradições internas. As frações do bloco no poder estão presentes no Estado, nos seus aparelhos e órgãos e na definição de políticas. As contradições que os acompanham também se apresentam no Estado. Assim, o Estado é um campo de disputas entre as classes fundamentais pela conquista da hegemonia. A escola unitária, promovendo a formação humana onilateral é fundamental para as classes subalternas na construção da nova hegemonia e, por sua vez, de um projeto alternativo de sociedade e de educação. Na escola unitária se realizará a união entre trabalho intelectual e manual, teoria e prática, formação profissional e formação geral, o especialista e o político, preparando as classes subalternas para as funções de direção, de governante, de especialista e de direção política, colocando-as em condições de dispor do Estado a serviço do bem comum.Palavras-chave: Gramsci. Estado ampliado. Formação humana. A proposal of human formation as a field of dispute for the enlarged state within the capitalist system: gramscian notes.ABSTRACTWe aim to analyze, from bibliographical studies, the capitalist social relations, expanded State and human formation based on the thought of Antonio Gramsci. We outlined a bibliographical study based on Gramsci’s theoretical background and his main interprets. The study disclosed that, for Gramsci, the State is not seen as something monolithic, without any internal contradictions, the fractions of the block in power are present in the State, in its apparatuses, organs and in the definition of policies. The contradictions that follow them also appear in the State. Thus, the State is a fi eld of disputes between the fundamental classes for the conquest of hegemony. The unitary school, promoting the unilateral human formation, is fundamental for the subaltern classes in the construction of the new hegemony and, on the other hand, an alternative project of society and education. In the unitary school will happen the union between intellectual and manual labor, theory and practice, professional and general formation, the specialist and the political, preparing the subaltern classes for the functions of management, of governor, of specialist and of political direction, placing them in conditions of disposing the State and in order to common good.Keywords: Gramsci. Expanded state. Human formation. Una propuesta de formación humana como campo de disputa por el estado ampliado dentro del sistema capitalista: apuntes gramscianos. RESUMENObjetivamos analizar, a partir de estudios bibliográficos, las relaciones sociales capitalistas, Estado ampliado y formación humana a partir del pensamiento de Antonio Gramsci. Hemos hecho un estudio bibliográfico a partir del referencial teórico de Gramsci y de sus principales intérpretes. El estudio reveló, que para Gramsci, el Estado no es visto como algo monolítico, sin contradicciones internas. Las fracciones del bloque en el poder están presentes en el Estado, en sus aparatos y órganos y en la definición de políticas. Las contradicciones que los acompañan también se presentan en el Estado. Así, el Estado es un campo de disputas entre las clases fundamentales por la conquista de la hegemonía. La escuela unitaria, promoviendo la formación humana omnilateral es fundamental para las clases subalternas en la construcción de la nueva hegemonía y, a su vez, de un proyecto alternativo de sociedad y de educación. En la escuela unitaria se realizará la unión entre trabajo intelectual y manual, teoría y práctica, formación profesional y formación general, el especialista y el político, preparando las clases subalternas para las funciones de dirección, de gobernante, de especialista y de dirección política, colocando-las en condiciones de disponer del Estado al servicio del bien común.Palabras clave: Gramsci. Estado ampliado. Formación humana.


Author(s):  
Santosh Khadka

Facebook, like any other social networking site, troubles the traditional categories of private and public spheres. As it complicates (and transcends) the distinction, it can be called a different space, or a liminal space, which falls somewhere in-between private and public spheres. The author argues that this recognition of Facebook as a liminal sphere has important implications to the (re) definition of public and private spheres and to the ways rhetoric should work or be used in the Web 2.0 sites like Facebook. The author also proposes that Michael de Certeau’s notions of “strategy” and “tactics” can be powerful rhetorical tools to deal with Facebook’s liminality and to enhance the rhetorical performance of self in Facebook and other similar new media forums.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 721-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Keith McGrath ◽  
Stephen Jonathan Whitty

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to create a “refined” (with unnecessary elements removed) definition of the term stakeholder, thereby removing confusion surrounding the use of this term from the general and project management arenas. Design/methodology/approach A method of deriving refined definitions for a group of terms by ensuring there are no unnecessary elements causing internal conflict or overlap is adopted and applied to resolve the confusion. Findings The refined definitions of stake and stakeholder are in terms of an interest and activity. This avoids all extensions of meaning introduced by defining particular types of stakeholders and/ or their degrees of impact. It also resolves the multiplicity of conflicting meanings possible when silent or assumed qualifiers of a word are ignored, restricting definition to, for example, project stakeholders or stakeholders of a firm. These definitions are carried forward into a mapping of the stakeholder locus of interest on an activity rather than a company base, enabling generic categorisation of stakeholders to be proposed for use in both private and public sectors. A governance difficulty with the term customer also emerged and a resolution to this is proposed. Research limitations/implications Resolution of the academic contention around the definition of stakeholders will facilitate future research endeavours by removing confusion surrounding the term. It can also provide clarity in governance arrangements in public and private sectors. Verification of the method used through its success in deriving this “refined” definition suggests its suitability for application to other contested terms. Practical implications Projects and businesses alike can benefit from removal of confusion around the definition of stakeholder in the academic research they fund and attempt to apply. Social implications A refined definition of the stakeholder concept will facilitate building social and physical systems and infrastructure, benefitting organisations, whether public, charitable or private. Originality/value Clarity results in the avoidance of confusion and misunderstanding together with their consequent waste of time, resources and money.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Yuriy Truntsevsky ◽  
Vyacheslav Sevalnev

The purpose of the present article is to gain an understanding of the opportunities and difficulties created by the introduction and development of the practice of network (smart) contracts. Our research methodology is based on a holistic set of principles and methods of scholarly analysis employed by modern legal science. It uses a dialectical method involving both general approaches (structural system method, formal logical method, analysis and synthesis of individual elements, individual features of concepts, abstraction, generalization, etc.) and particular methods (legal technical, systematic, comparative, historical, and grammatical methods, method of the unity of theory and practice, etc.). We analyze the views of lawyers and other specialists from Russia and abroad, legislative innovations in the field of digital technologies, the practice of blockchain-based smart contracts, and the main risks (whether legal, technological, operational, or criminogenic) of smart contracts for economic activities with a study of their causes. In the present-day situation, it is necessary to move from the legal definition of the smart contract and its legal and technological characteristics, advantages and disadvantages to the implementation of startups in a wide range of areas, especially business, public regulation, and social relations. Scholarly and information support for such processes will contribute to the development of industry, public administration and digital technology applications to improve the life of individual citizens and society as a whole. The introduction of smart contracts does not require the adoption of new laws or regulations. Instead, one should adapt and, possibly, modify existing legal principles at the legislative and judicial levels to pave the way for the use of smart contracts and other new technologies. The system of contract law provides a sufficient framework for regulating transactions without the introduction of any new legal categories. We propose approaches to the legal definition of the smart contract and identify a set of problems that must be solved at the legislative and technical legal levels in order to implement smart contracts effectively in different spheres of life.


Author(s):  
Ruth Abaya

<em>The focus of this paper is on the role of language as a powerful tool in representing and structuring the world. We will explore how language can help construct stereotype identities and human relationships. Gender being a socially constructed definition of women and men, it is determined by the conception of tasks, functions and roles attributed to  women and men in society, in public and private life; whereas power is reflected in every aspect of communication from what the actual topic of the communication is to the ways in which it is communicated. Most researches have focused on the spoken aspect of language giving little attention to the written discourse; this paper will consider how gender is reflected in the written media. Therefore the purpose of this paper will be to examine the influence of gender status on the discourse behavior of women.  The objectives of this study will be to examine the linguistic forms used by women and to determine whether they reinforce or transform gender status. The Socio-Constructionist Theory will be adopted for this study together with the Critical Discourse Analysis. It is hoped that the findings of this study will shed light to prove whether Lakoff 1975’s view that ‘women’s register’ serves to maintain their inferior role in the society and that they tend to use linguistic forms that reflect and reinforce a subordinate role is justified. This study also seeks to give response to the question whether language differences are related specifically to gender or to status and power of an individual. Secondary data which will be collected from eight randomly sampled </em>Daily Nation<em> newspapers more specifically the Saturday Magazine inside the Daily Nation of the few selected months and various linguistic behaviors will be picked to support the findings and conclusions arrived at by this study. </em>


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