Guantánamo und die Imperiale Autokratie

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (143) ◽  
pp. 223-232
Author(s):  
John Saxe-Fernández

The Guantánamo prison operation is interpreted as a testing ground for a “new legal system”, and is analyzed, in the context of the war on terrorism at home (through a régime d´exception formalized in the Patriot Act) and abroad (through the “doctrine of pre-emptive war”), unleashed after the attacks in September 2001. It is further argued that this is a recent and extreme manifestation of the historical propensity of the US Executive branch (the Imperial Presidency), to usurp legislative and judicial functions and powers.

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Carter ◽  
Costello Jr. ◽  
Kendrick Peter A. ◽  
Pittard William D. ◽  
Dana J.
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Motohiro Tsuchiya

The Japanese legal system has been based on the German legal system since the mid-nineteenth century, but the American legal system was grafted onto it following Japan’s defeat in World War II in 1945. The postwar Constitution contained an article regarding the secrecy of communications and protected privacy in terms of respect of individuals. Now, as the Personal Information Protection Law in the Executive Branch, which was enacted in 1988, and the Personal Information Protection Law, which was enacted in 2003, strictly regulate privacy, there have been fewer problematic cases regarding governmental access to private-sector data. Data gathering for law enforcement or intelligence activities has also been weaker following World War II. Private-sector corporations/organizations might share data with government agencies, but based on voluntary arrangements, not by any mandatory system. More focus is being cast not on governmental access to private-sector data, but on citizen’s access to data.


Author(s):  
Yun Li ◽  
Moming Li ◽  
Megan Rice ◽  
Haoyuan Zhang ◽  
Dexuan Sha ◽  
...  

Social distancing policies have been regarded as effective in containing the rapid spread of COVID-19. However, there is a limited understanding of policy effectiveness from a spatiotemporal perspective. This study integrates geographical, demographical, and other key factors into a regression-based event study framework, to assess the effectiveness of seven major policies on human mobility and COVID-19 case growth rates, with a spatiotemporal emphasis. Our results demonstrate that stay-at-home orders, workplace closures, and public information campaigns were effective in decreasing the confirmed case growth rate. For stay-at-home orders and workplace closures, these changes were associated with significant decreases (p < 0.05) in mobility. Public information campaigns did not see these same mobility trends, but the growth rate still decreased significantly in all analysis periods (p < 0.01). Stay-at-home orders and international/national travel controls had limited mitigation effects on the death case growth rate (p < 0.1). The relationships between policies, mobility, and epidemiological metrics allowed us to evaluate the effectiveness of each policy and gave us insight into the spatiotemporal patterns and mechanisms by which these measures work. Our analysis will provide policymakers with better knowledge regarding the effectiveness of measures in space–time disaggregation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Velázquez

This study examines the beliefs held by a group of adult Spanish-English bilinguals from El Paso, Texas regarding the vitality of Spanish in their community and the ways in which their own experience of being bilingual on the US-Mexico border has influenced their perceptions of the benefits and costs of fostering Spanish development in their children. Results show that parents’ positive attitudes toward Spanish did not translate into the investment of time and resources to foster Spanish development in their children nor, ultimately, into the use of Spanish by their children. Households where the mother perceived herself as having an active role in her children’s linguistic development and where she perceived both Spanish and a bilingual/biethnic identity as desirable for her children’s future were also households where children were expected to speak Spanish at home and where more opportunities for linguistic development were present. The author argues that these beliefs must be understood as a consequence of the underlying tensions present in the community, where intense linguistic and interethnic contact takes place every day.


Lung ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael R. Lewin-Smith ◽  
Adriana Martinez ◽  
Daniel I. Brooks ◽  
Teri J. Franks

ICL Journal ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonios E. Kouroutakis

AbstractInstitutions such as the US Supreme Court and the European Court of Justice in due time have developed a status of supremacy through judicial activism. The main target of the article is to identify the judicial activism exercised by these Courts and to reason its need in the legal order. In the first part the US Supreme Court and the European Court of Justice are placed in the overall polity that they belong to and the development of their status and their characteristics are analyzed. The major concern of the first part is to examine how those declared their supremacy and focus on major cases and their reason­ing.In the second part the extent of the judicial supremacy in each legal order is discussed and its effects in the decision making process are examined. The assumption that judicial activ­ism is acceptable only if it expresses consensus in the legal order is tested and it is argued that up to an extent, Judicial Activism does not distort the political agenda when it ex­presses the consensus of the legal system. Finally, it is argued that when such activism exceeds the boundaries of the consensus, the other actors in the legal system would even­tually react and would limit such activism.


2020 ◽  
Vol Volume 4 (Issue 2) ◽  
pp. 454-477
Author(s):  
Ashraf Iqbal ◽  
Dr. Tanveer Hussain ◽  
Javed

The main purpose of the present research is to investigate Pak-Afghan relations in the editorials of US newspapers, The Washington Post & The New York Times and Pakistani newspapers Dawn & The News related to the following issues during the period 1997-2005; A) US as a factor in Pak-Afghan relation, B) Coverage of Islam/Muslims regarding war on terrorism, C) Pakistan’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations, and D) US’s stance on Pak-Afghan bilateral relations. The time period to be examined in this proposed study spans over eight years regarding the editorial coverage of Pak-Afghan relations in the US and Pakistani leading English Press. Triangulation method based on qualitative and quantitative method was used to conduct the present research. The results show that the editorial contents of USA and Pakistani newspapers were not different regarding Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11. The incident of 9/11 changed the American foreign policy towards developing and least developing nations especially Muslims states like Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran etc. Pakistani press highlighted the issues regarding the Pak-Afghan relations before and after 9/11 as a favorable and conducive, related to Muslim/Islam regarding war on terrorism. The study suggested that instead of the focus on military resolution of the different problems, rather social bilateral negations should be prioritized which would be long lasting and full of mutual respects and honor.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bujin Bekbulat ◽  
Joshua S. Apte ◽  
Dylan B Millet ◽  
Allen Robinson ◽  
Kelley C. Wells ◽  
...  

<p>Analysis of a large national dataset of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) and ozone air pollution from the US Environmental Protection Agency indicate opposing differences in average concentrations during the covid response period, relative to expected levels. These are the two most important pollutants in terms of public health impacts and regulatory non-attainment in the US. Post-covid response, average PM2.5 levels are slightly higher (~5%) than expected; average ozone levels are slightly lower (~5%). The size of post-response ozone anomaly has decreased with time and by week 6 after the first stay-at-home order was enacted (April 29- May 5, 2020), ozone levels were higher than expected. In addition, no individual US state had lower-than-expected PM2.5 and ozone for all weeks post- covid response. Two non-covid factors, meteorology and regional transport, do not fully explain observed trends. These findings are unexpected given the large reduction in many household’s activities associated with “stay at home” and other covid responses. We hypothesize that this result partly arises from the fact that ozone and the majority of PM2.5 are secondary pollutants formed in the atmosphere from emissions from many sources (i.e., not just traffic). Preliminary analysis of nitrogen dioxide (NO2) data in a few cities reveals substantially lower-than-expected (~30%) concentrations post-covid. NO2 is a primary pollutant and is much more strongly associated with traffic than PM2.5 or ozone. </p><p><br></p>


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