scholarly journals Religious network of Ukraine in its problems and perspectives

2013 ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi

Since, in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine, the Church is separated from the state, and religiousness is a private matter of every person, official statistics on the belonging of the citizens of the country to a religious organization, and especially their attitude towards religion, are absent. The only indicators of religious life that are currently recorded by public authorities are active religious organizations. Sometimes sociologists record the existing religiosity of citizens. But I treat these indicators with great caution, because sometimes there are many bravadas and misunderstandings about the nature of religion itself, its attribution to believers.

2008 ◽  
pp. 5-11
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi

The only indicators of religious life that are currently fixed by state authorities are existing religious organizations. The official statistics of the religious network, submitted by the State Committee on Nationalities and Religions in early 2008, recorded the presence of 33841 religious organizations in Ukraine in more than one hundred different religious movements, churches and communities (778 more than at the beginning of 2007). This figure includes 32,493 religious communities, 421 monasteries (6,598 inhabitants), 192 religious schools with 18,375 students, 333 missions, and 74 fraternities. The confessions print 383 newspapers and magazines. Considering that the law does not define the obligation to register religious organizations and some of them use it without deliberately going for registration, and that some are officially due to some motives of non-fixed religious movements, and therefore their organizations, then official statistics of the public authority are clearly incomplete. However, even the existing evidence of a kind of religious renaissance in the country. For comparison, in the communist years in Ukraine there were officially recognized only 9 religious movements, which had about 4,5 thousand religious organizations. There were 14 monasteries, one Orthodox seminary in Odessa, and the Orthodox Herald magazine.


2002 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Butler

This article analyses the character of local religious practice in the archdiocese of Michoacán during Mexico'scristerorebellion, and explores the relationship between ‘official’ and ‘popular’ religion under persecution. In particular, it shows how the Catholic clergy and laity reconstructed the religious life at parish level in an attempt to mitigate the effects of the revolutionary state's campaigns against the Church. For a variety of reasons, the significance of such passive resistance to the state, and the complexity of the interaction between the ecclesiastical elite and the Catholic laity, tend to be downplayed in many existing accounts. Perhaps unsurprisingly, many historians see cristero violence as the most important response to religious persecution, and therefore study it to the exclusion of alternative, less visible, modes of resistance. As for the Church, the hierarchy's wranglings with the regime similarly tend to overshadow the labours of priests and their parishioners under persecution. But the full range of popular experiences has also been deliberately compressed for ideological reasons. Many Catholic writers, for instance, seek to exalt the Church by describing a persecution of mythical ferocity. While Calles is likened to Herod, Nero, or Diocletian, the clergy and laity comprise a uniform Church of martyrs designate in revolt against a godless state. To achieve this instructive vision, however, a few exemplary martyrs—such as Father Pro and Anacleto González Flores—are allowed to stand for the whole mass of priests and believers, in the same way that Edmund Campion is revered as the protomartyr of the Elizabethan persecution in England. As a result, a stereotypical but politically serviceable image of a monolithic Church is perpetuated, an image which was recently institutionalised by the canonisation of 25 ‘cristero’ martyrs in May 2000.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Budi Sirait

This article is based on research in Gereja Kristen Indonesia (GKI, Indoensian Christian Chruch) Yasmin Bogor as a case study. It has been years for the community to struggle for gaining permission to legally build the church. Court has decided to allow the community to use the building for religius activities. However, practically, the court's decision cannot be implemented because there was pressure for some parties, including from the local government, to refuse the operation of the church. The study is aimed to identify the dynamics and difficulties of being minority in a nation-state, called Indonesia. This lengthens the list of acts of intolerance and violence on minority within a democratic government, in which majority is still preferred. There is a celar need for changing the mindset of the state and society to resolve conflict based on religious belief, to enable equality in economy, politics and religious life.


1914 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 396-423
Author(s):  
Albert Léo

It is a matter of common knowledge that during the last ten years the Churches of all denominations in France have been passing through a profound crisis. Such convulsions are not inevitably the death-agony of religion. Only the world's contempt or the world's forgetfulness could kill the Christian faith; but it is apt to be quickened rather than deadened by struggles for its life. Yet religion has a more subtle danger to encounter than the opposition of public authorities however violent. It is not impossible for the Church to be unconsciously seduced into imitation of her adversaries. She may come to make use of their methods. She may gradually slip downwards to the level of their spirit. So that, while prophesying among men as if she were the voice of God, her actions may be indistinguishable from those of a godless world. That is the danger. It is threatening the Church at this moment, and is more or less a menace to religion, everywhere and always.


2008 ◽  
pp. 91-98
Author(s):  
O.P. Lahno

The twentieth century was a period of prolonged crisis of spirituality in the Soviet Union. The atheist state used all possible and impossible levers of various influences on religious associations and ordinary believers. Since the assertion of the Soviet authorities, an open war has been declared against any manifestation of religion. There were real battles: with their ideological fronts, offensives and retreats, the whole system of operations developed and the tactical plan in line with the party-approved strategy. The result of such disputes between the state and its believing citizens has been the church crises, schisms, and even the elimination of entire denominations. The most violent was the struggle against religious organizations disloyal to the Soviet authorities. It should be noted that even external loyalty did not save religious associations from the onslaught of anti-Sovietism


Author(s):  
Nataliya V. Tyumeneva ◽  

Introduction. The existence and development of any society is impossible without its spiritual component, which is closely connected with religion, religious values and ideals in Russia. Despite the fact that in the secular Russian state, the official government remains ideologically neutral to all religions, religious denominations and religious organizations, the state and the Church are converging in the socio-cultural space. Theoretical analysis. The interaction between the state and religious organizations is not distorted and does not diminish the importance of the prinicples of the constitutional order bases – a secular state and ideological neutrality of the state, because the interaction has nothing to do with the implementation of state and religious power, does not affect the implementation of the functions and tasks of the state and the Church. Empirical analysis. For the first time, the Constitution of the Russian Federation, through the amendments made in 2020, enshrined religious values and ideals, faith in God as the spiritual and moral foundations of the historical development of the multinational people of Russia. This became possible due to the expansion of the interpretation of the categories of “ideological neutrality” and “secular nature of the state”. Results. The content of the principle of the secular state and its ideological neutrality is based on the religious presence in the public legal sphere.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Александр Галушка

В статье рассматриваются особенности взаимоотношений государства и религиозных организаций в словакии с 1939 г. по настоящее время. Целью исследования стал всесторонний анализ государственных инициатив, регламентирующих церковногосударственные отношения. кроме отношений государства и православной Церкви, в исследовательскую оптику автора попадает широкая палитра религиозной жизни страны в означенный период. наблюдения автора подкрепляются анализом малодоступных отечественным исследователям словацких источников: государственных законов, статистических данных и результатов переписи населения. в работе показано, что диалог государства и церкви в значительной мере определялся политической ситуацией в стране (независимая словакия под контролем нацистской германии, словакия в составе социалистической чехословакии, независимое государство после Бархатной революции 1989 г.), и прежде всего на уровне законодательства. Этим объясняется предпринятая автором периодизация церковно-государственных отношений в словакии. подобная периодизация, в свою очередь, определила и структуру работы. The article discusses the features of relations between the state and religious organizations in Slovakia in the second half of the twentieth century. The focus is on state initiatives (laws, agreements) regulating the nature of church-state relations. Changes in the political situation in the country (independent Slovakia under the control of Nazi Germany, Slovakia as part of socialist Czechoslovakia, an independent state after the Velvet Revolution of 1989) signifi determined the dialogue between the state and the church - and, above all, at the level of legislation. This explains the periodization of church-state relations in Slovakia undertaken by the author. Such a periodization in turn determined the structure of work. So, talking about the life of religious organizations during the Second World War, the author dwells on the unrealized possibility of concluding a Concordat of Slovakia with the Holy See. In the next period, the Czechoslovak, it was shown how the state tried to use the church to its advantage, either by restricting freedoms or by allowing certain indulgences. In today’s Slovakia, church-state relations are built on the dialogue between two equal partners, and their character is determined, on the one hand, by domestic laws, and on the other, by international treaties (agreements) and domestic treaties and agreements with registered churches and religious organizations. Not limited to only the relations of the state and the Orthodox Church, the author’s research optics recreates wide panorama of religious life in the country. A special place in the work is given to the relationship of the Slovak government with the Vatican, since historically the Roman Catholic Church has occupied and continues to occupy a leading position in the life of the state. The author’s observations are supported by a wide quotation of Slovak sources inaccessible to domestic researchers: state laws, statistical data and population census results.


This book engages with the spectacular disenchantment with Catholicism in Ireland over the relatively short period of four decades. It begins with the visit of Pope John Paul II in 1979 and in particular his address to young people in Galway, where the crowd had been entertained beforehand by two of Ireland’s most celebrated clerics, Bishop Eamon Casey and Fr Michael Cleary, both of whom were engaged at the time in romantic affairs that resulted in the birth of children. It will be argued that the Pope’s visit was prompted by concern at the significant fall in vocations to priesthood and the religious life and the increasing secularism of Irish society. The book then explores the various referenda that took place during the 1980s on divorce and abortion which, although they resulted in victories for the Church, demonstrated that their hold on the Irish public was weakening. The clerical abuse scandals of the 1990s were the tipping point for an Irish public which was generally resentful of the intrusive and repressive form of Catholicism that had been the norm in Ireland since the formation of the State in the 1920s. Boasting an impressive array of contributors from various backgrounds and expertise, the essays in the book attempt to delineate the exact reasons for the progressive dismantling of the cultural legacy of Catholicism and the consequences this has had on Irish society. Among the contributors are Patricia Casey, Joe Cleary, Michael Cronin, Louise Fuller, Patsy McGarry, Vincent Twomey and Eamonn Wall.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Leonid Vyhovskyi

The author shows that a specific type of political-legal model of state-church relations plays a decisive role in the process of regulating relations between the state and the church in the historical-legal context, since it determines the content and form of such relationships. It is shown that three primary typological models have formed the basis for relations between the state and the church during the history of the mankind: the unitary model (the state structures are subordinated to the church); the so-called "two swords" model (relations between the state and the church are recognized as parity relations between autonomous institutions); and the trinitarian model (a clear separation of functions between the state and the church). Other models of such relationships present in society are derivatives of the above-mentioned ones. The essence of political and legal types of models of state-church relations existing in the world are analyzed. The principles are described and the necessity to develop a cooperative model of state-church relations in the state and to formalize in legislation is substantiated. The content of the models that took place in the history of Ukraine (the Kyiv-Rus model, the Kozak-Mohyla model and the model of coexistence of the church with the communist authorities) is described. It is pointed out that the basic component of the existing Ukrainian model of state-church relations is that the state and the Church are defined as equal subjects of state-church relations. Therefore, each of them acts within its specific competencies, mutually supporting each other in matters concerning the jurisdiction of these social institutions. It is argued that, at the same time, religious organizations operate in the legal field of the state, and the latter does not interfere in the affairs of the Church. Thus, freedom of conscience in the country is ensured and this creates favorable conditions for religious organizations. In conclusion, the author points out that in recent years Ukraine has not only theoretically developed cooperative models of interaction of the state with religious institutions and organizations, but also carried out practical measures for their implementation.


Author(s):  
John Blanco

In this excerpt from the annual letter reporting on the state of the Jesuit order in the Philippines, Fr. Juan de Bueras, the Jesuit provincial, relates the difficulties that the Church was experiencing among the indigenous communities of the island of Mindoro. Hoping to convert the Magayanes people of the mountains to Christianity, the Jesuits found that they had to redirect their efforts to the supposedly Catholic communities of the coast, which had reverted to pre-Christian beliefs and practices. Bueras’s letter provides insight into the limitations of the Church’s effort to convert native Filipinos, and the nature of Filipino religious life in the early colonial context. John Blanco places the letter in the broader context of religious and secular colonialism, and broader questions about the supposed Hispanization of the Philippines.


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