scholarly journals The intervention of the great powers and the challenge of human security in Afghanistan

The purpose of national security is to defend the country against external threats. But the purpose of human security is to protect individuals and humans from all threats. In international security theories, the two are distinguished. Therefore, many schools and theories have commented on it. For example, the security theory of realism focuses on "national security" within the framework of "States", but the liberal security theory focuses on "human security" within the framework of the international system. But along with these theories, the role of the great powers cannot be ignored or threatened by national or human security. Throughout history, the conquering and superior powers have always fought for the weak countries. The backward and weak countries have never been immune to this kind of aggression. Therefore, in this paper, we will look for the most important question that is what role do the great powers play in challenging human security in weak countries? This study will analyze the role of powerful countries' intervention in the challenge of human security in the international system and especially in Afghanistan.

Author(s):  
K. P. Marabyan

The article aims to consider the development and adoption process of one of the most crucial conceptual documents – Armenia’s National Security Strategy. The Armenian vision of internal and external threats of Armenia’s National Security is presented in accordance with the conceptual documents of Armenia. Particularly stressed is the role of the factor of adoption of such type of document as Armenia’s National Security Strategy and the role of the very document in the activity of the state authorities.


Author(s):  
Paul Jackson

The role of BRICS in international affairs has been steadily expanding, particularly in security and peacekeeping. Active involvement in international affairs illustrates a broader desire and acknowledgement that BRICS see their own future as being deepening integration with the international system itself. However, this integration does not necessarily mean complete assimilation without any change and many of the BRICS advocate alternative ways of dealing with international issues that theoretically differentiate them from the Western international system. This chapter examines peacekeeping as an expression of this dilemma. Concentrating on Brazil, but drawing wider conclusions about assimilation and complementarity between BRICS and the international security architecture, the chapter illustrates some of the dilemmas faced within intervention and discusses the claim that BRICS offer an alternative way of keeping the peace in countries like Haiti and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.


Elem Sci Anth ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupinder Mangat ◽  
Simon Dalby

Fossil fuel divestment activists re-imagine how the war metaphor can be used in climate change action to transform thinking around what will lead to a sustainable society. Through the naming of a clear enemy and an end goal, the overused war metaphor is renewed. By casting the fossil fuel industry in the role of enemy, fossil fuel divestment activists move to a re-imagining of the climate change problem as one that is located in the here and now with known villains who must be challenged and defeated. In this scenario, climate activists move away from the climate and national security framing to a climate and human security way of thinking.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
EDWARD NEWMAN

AbstractFrom a critical security studies perspective – and non-traditional security studies more broadly – is the concept of human security something which should be taken seriously? Does human security have anything significant to offer security studies? Both human security and critical security studies challenge the state-centric orthodoxy of conventional international security, based upon military defence of territory against ‘external’ threats. Both also challenge neorealist scholarship, and involve broadening and deepening the security agenda. Yet critical security studies have not engaged substantively with human security as a distinct approach to non-traditional security. This article explores the relationship between human security and critical security studies and considers why human security arguments – which privilege the individual as the referent of security analysis and seek to directly influence policy in this regard – have not made a significant impact in critical security studies. The article suggests a number of ways in which critical and human security studies might engage. In particular, it suggests that human security scholarship must go beyond its (mostly) uncritical conceptual underpinnings if it is to make a lasting impact upon security studies, and this might be envisioned as Critical Human Security Studies (CHSS).


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-270
Author(s):  
Adam Daniel Rotfeld

The article examines the sustainability and adaptability of European security institutions, structures and organizations in the context of the fundamental and qualitative change of the post-Helsinki European security order. Suggestions are presented for managing the Ukraine crisis by military and political restraint, the observance of the Helsinki Decalogue of principles and by upgrading executive mechanisms of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (osce). In a new European security order, the core political components would be constituted by the inviolability of frontiers and the incontestability of internal political order. In broader international change, the relative decrease of the role of old powers has to be accommodated with the growing clout of emerging powers. Since most of the conflicts take place within the States and not between them the risks and new threats have to be dealt with by transformed and upgraded security institutions adapted to the new security environment. At the same time, there is a manifested lack of interests by the great powers to rely on multilateral security institutions unless they are used as instruments in pursuing their own strategies. The new common security arrangement for the West and Russia has to reconcile the adversary national security interests within the Euro-Atlantic Security Forum.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-50
Author(s):  
Bryson R. Payne ◽  
Edward L. Mienie

Cyber is deeply enmeshed and interwoven across national security, as evidenced by its inclusion in the national security policies of a growing number of OECD countries. But it is the impact of cyber across the other components of national and human security that remains to be sufficiently addressed at the national policy level, or in international standards of behavior with respect to cyberwarfare and hybrid conflict. In addition to standing on its own as a national security concern, cybersecurity impacts economic and trade security, ecological/environmental and biosecurity, energy and critical infrastructure security, food security, transportation, and public health, as well as communications, physical and even political security. This work examines the role of threats from cyberwarfare, hybrid conflict, and cyber-physical attacks across human security from a national and global perspective, makes near-term predictions about the future of cyberwarfare, and provides recommendations with respect to preparing for cyberwarfare and ongoing hybrid conflict.


1992 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 355-375
Author(s):  
Raymond Taras ◽  
Marshal Zeringue

All great powers have a grand strategy—including great powers on the verge of collapse. Each power develops its code of national security ends and means differently. Among the myriad factors which explain particular grand strategies, the most important consideration is the distribution of power capabilities in the international system. Regardless of each state's desire to operate independently—to be master of its own grand strategy—the structure of world politics offers little latitude to do so. As in the case of decision-making processes in organizations and bureaucracies, the international system imposes its own constraints and incentives on the security goals of individual states. Primarily addressing the international environment, however, systems theory ‘provides criteria for differentiating between stable and unstable political configurations.’ The first objective of this essay is to explore the role of structure as an indirect influence on the behaviour of its constituent actors, in this case, states. ‘The effects [of structure] are produced in two ways: through socialization of the actors and through competition among them.’


1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward S. Milenky

Since 1950, 28 developing countries have produced tanks, ships, aircraft, other major weapons systems, and infantry and artillery weapons for their own use and for export. Local input has ranged from assembly of imported components to completely indigenous design and manufacture. In 1967 exports from lessdeveloped countries (LDCs) were worth $194 million, as compared to exports from all sources of $201 billion. By 1976 world arms exports had increased to $398 billion and LDC exports to $820 million (ACDA, 1978). Even though the role of lessdeveloped countries in world arms production is still small, it is growing and can be significant in some local and regional contexts.Nascent defense industries in the Third World raise important questions. Terrorists, insurgents, and governments everywhere may find arms more readily available as sources of supply diversify. The spread of weapons manufacture both reflects and promotes the diffusion of power within the international system at large.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This chapter explores the role of “power politics”—the domain of national security interests and the procurement and use of military power—in the decline of mass atrocities in East Asia. It suggests that power politics made an important, but not the singularly most important, contribution. The chapter has three parts. First, it explores how conventional power politics contributed to the decline of mass atrocities in East Asia. Although not central to the overall story, once they were established, the balance of power and both conventional and nuclear deterrence played a role in limiting the further escalation of potential conflicts. Second, it examines the limits of power politics. Third, it points to specific security practices that were more consequential, including the development of omnidirectional security relations, a tendency to avoid destabilizing competition, de-polarization, and the enmeshing of great powers in the region’s norms


Author(s):  
Hazim Hamad Mousa Al-Janabi

The research focuses on the importance of the concepts of law, power and security in the international strategy, and the definition of the role and the role of the balance of international relations or not, and show the ability to paint the strategy of the dye, and the research highlights the problem of "How far can be a relationship between law and power and security, In the ladder of international strategy? We try to answer the following main question: Which is the most used law, force or security in the international strategy? A solution to the problem and answer to the question was based on the following hypothesis: the more the international strategy is based on force;” the more violations of international legal norms and norms; the greater the international security, the greater the threat to international security threat”. The objective of the researcher is to define the strategic position occupied by the tripartite (Law - Power - Security) in the global strategic perception, which made bridges for it, is a theoretical choice and a necessity, and to use the analytical approach, which focuses on analysis of international politics, and to address the Most important three – International and how to interpret the movement of the international system


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