scholarly journals The Western Media and the Crisis in Zimbabwe

Author(s):  
Knocks Tapiwa Zengeni

The crisis in Zimbabwe in the past decade has many dimensions. One of the underestimated dimensions is the impact of Western media reportage on the unfolding drama in the country. Biased reportage by some mainstream Western media channels on Zimbabwe has had a negative and damaging effect both on the Mugabe regime as well as the country’s economy. It has also highlighted the excesses of the Mugabe regime in its quest to ensure regime security. In response to these Western media blitz, the Mugabe regime has countered them by stifling media independence in the domestic arena in a calculated strategy aimed at cushioning itself from unfair and biased media attacks. While there is some truth in what is being reported about the Mugabe regime by the Western media, on balance, this paper argues that the role played by the Western media in the ensuing political crisis in Zimbabwe has done more harm than good. In a big way, the Western media has aggravated the political and socioeconomic crisis in Zimbabwe in the past decade.  

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-270
Author(s):  
Caryn Abrahams ◽  
David Everatt

The city of Johannesburg offers insights into urban governance and the interesting interplay between managing the pressures in a rapidly urbanizing context, with the political imperatives that are enduring challenges. The metropolitan municipality of Johannesburg (hereafter Johannesburg), as it is known today, represents one of the most diverse cities in the African continent. That urbanization, however, came up hard against the power of the past. Areas zoned by race had been carved into the landscape, with natural and manufactured boundaries to keep formerly white areas ‘safe’ from those zoned for other races. Highways, light industrial plant, rivers and streams, all combined to ensure the Johannesburg landscape are spatially disfigured, and precisely because it is built into the landscape, the impact of apartheid has proved remarkably durable. Urban growth is concentrated in Johannesburg’s townships and much of it is class driven: the middle class (of all races) is increasingly being found in cluster and complexes in the north Johannesburg, while poor and working-class African and coloured communities in particular are densifying in the south. The racial and spatial divisions of the city continue to pose fundamental challenges in terms of governance, fiscal management and spatially driven service delivery.


2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Kidder

The Veterans Health Administration (VHA) is the largest integrated health system in the U.S. with 7.9 million U.S. veterans enrolled.  Both the number of veterans seeking VHA health services and the cost of delivering such services continue to rise as a result of myriad factors. Kidder examines VHA funding outcomes over the past 10 years in light of the participation of veterans' service organizations (VSOs) in committee hearings; the reliance of lawmakers upon The Independent Budget (IB); and the impact of new performance-based management initiatives on budget outcomes.  Her article highlights the political nature of the VHA budget and the influential role of VSOs in funding outcomes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
PEPIJN CORDUWENER

AbstractThis article studies the political ideology of the Italian political movement Fronte dell'Uomo Qualunque in the light of the problems of party democracy in Italy. The movement existed only for a few years in the aftermath of the Second World War, but the impact of its ideology on post-war Italy was large. The article argues that the party's ideology should be studied beyond the anti-fascist–fascist divide and that it provides a window onto the contestation of party politics in republican Italy. It contextualises the movement in the political transition from fascism to republic and highlights key elements of the Front's ideology. The article then proceeds to demonstrate how the movement distinguished itself from the parties of the Italian resistance and advocated a radical break with the way in which the relationship between the Italian state and citizens had been practiced through subsequent regimes. The way in which the movement aimed to highlight the alleged similarities between the fascist and republican political order, and its own claim to democratic legitimacy, constitute a distinct political tradition which resurfaced in the political crisis of the 1990s.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 610-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamir Moustafa

AbstractThe past four decades have witnessed profound transformations in the Egyptian legal system and in the Egyptian legal profession. Article 2 of the Egyptian Constitution now enshrines Islamic jurisprudence as the principle source of law, thus establishing an important symbolic marker at the heart of the state and opening avenues for Islamist activists to press litigation campaigns in the courts. Additionally, the Islamist trend gained prominence within the legal profession, a development that is particularly striking given the long and illustrious history of the Lawyer's Syndicate as a bastion of liberalism. Despite these significant shifts, however, Islamist litigation has achieved only limited legal victories. This article traces the political and socio-economic variables that underlie the Islamist trend in Egyptian law, and examines the impact of Islamist litigation in the Egyptian courts.


Author(s):  
Philippe Theophanidis

I propose to trace the dialogical path of Antonio Gramsci’s concept of ‘interregnum’ briefly mentioned in one of his prison notebooks which was rediscovered in recent years and used in various political writings. I will first examine the meaning of the concept of interregnum in the context of Roman law, where it originates. Second, I’ll show how the Italian writer used it in a two-page note included in his Quaderni del carcere to describe the political crisis of our times. I will also briefly sketch the renewal of the idea of interregnum from the 1980s onward, when a specific quote from Gramsci’s note was used to frame various political crises, from South African apartheid to the civil war in Syria, all the way to the rise of a new far right ideology. In the third and main section, I’ll explore in more detail how, in the past five years, Keith Tester, Zygmunt Bauman, and Étienne Balibar all explicitly engage with the idea of interregnum in an open dialogue. While referencing one another, they used Gramsci’s interpretation of the concept in an effort to understand and address the contemporary problem of political synthesis. In the fourth part, and in the spirit of keeping discussion open, I will raise some issues regarding the various paths proposed by Bauman and Balibar to find our way ‘out of the interregnum.


Africa ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Frank

Opening ParagraphIn studies of change in indigenous political organisations under the impact of colonial administration, the precolonial situation in Africa is often depicted as essentially static. Anthropologists tend to project a relatively ‘uninfluenced’ state of affairs from the early colonial period into the past. Change seems to occur under European influence. This picture is the result less of the conviction of the authors that conditions were static than of a lack of information on precolonial development. This is especially true for ‘acephalous’ societies; centralised societies often possess detailed traditions concerning their institutional history. In the following case, of the political development of a village in the Nigerian Middle Belt, it has been possible to record precolonial changes of organisation in an acephalous society.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herman Bakvis

AbstractRegional ministers, it is said, have declined in importance over the past three decades. While granting the disappearance of figures whose influence spanned broad regions, this article argues that in the last cabinet of Pierre Trudeau (1980–1984) the regional minister system was to a degree revived and formalized within the context of cabinet decision-making. The impact of this system is examined with respect to regional development and employment creation programmes. To account for the renewed influence of regional ministers, attention is focussed on changes in the machinery of government and on the political and economic climate of the time. The case of one minister in particular, Lloyd Axworthy, suggests that a contemporary regional minister's success is dependent primarily on the ability to mobilize the resources of the administrative state.


Author(s):  
Bárbara Cruz ◽  
◽  

This article has as main objective to discuss the impact of the Coronavirus pandemic on the Brazilian Amazon, its consequences and conflicts not only in the forest but also in the people living in the region, especially the situation of indigenous peoples and how COVID-19 has been impacting the tribes directly and indirectly, through the exposure of opinions, facts and historical context, factors of paramount importance that help to build the current panorama of the Amazon within the pandemic. In addition, this article aims to analyse the political crisis that Brazil is facing at the moment and how it influences the impacts suffered by the Amazon macro-region, in order to highlight the need for discussion — now more than ever —, to protect and preserve Amazonian diversity in the face of a government that omits responsibility for the prevention of Amazonian identity. The concern with the Amazon rainforest is not something recent, however the current moment is decisive in the history of the largest tropical forest in the world.


Author(s):  
Ch. E. Merriam

The original outline of this article included a general overview and critique of the leading trends in the study of politics over the past 30 to 40 years. It was intended to compare the methods and results of different types of political thought-to consider in turn the historical school, the law school, researchers in the field of comparative analysis of forms of government, philosophers themselves, the approach of economists, the contribution of geographers and ethnologists, the work of statisticians, and finally to turn to psychological, sociological and biological interpretations of the political process. It would be an interesting and perhaps useful task to compare the subject and method of such thinkers as Jellinek, Gierke, Dugi, Dicey and Pound, the philosophies of Sorel and Dewey, Ritchie and Russell, Nietzsche and Tolstoy, to look at the methods of Durkheim and Simmel, Ward, Giddings and Small, Cooley and Ross, and to discuss the innovations found in the works of Wallace and Cole. It might be useful to expand the analysis to include important features of the environment in which these ideas flourished, and the many close connections between them. One could also discuss the impact of social and industrial development, class movements and class struggle or group conflicts in a broader sense, consider the impact of urbanism and industrialism, capitalism, socialism and syndicalism, militarism, pacifism, feminism, nationalism. It would be useful, perhaps, to present a critique of the methods and results described and to specifically assess the significance of logical, psychological, sociological, legal, philosophical and historical methodologies and the contribution of each of them to the study of the political. This task, however, was dropped and postponed for the next time, as it became apparent that no such review could be compressed to reasonable volumes. In order to achieve our common goal, it would seem that a different type of analysis would be more productive, aimed at reconstructing the methods of political research and obtaining more extensive results in both the theoretical and practical fields.


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