But it does move, doesn´t it? The debate on the allocation of refugees in Europe from a German point of view

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 25-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Bendel

This article examines the current debate on the allocation of refugees, based on the principle of “shared responsibility and solidarity among the EU Member States”. Arguing that the Dublin system has failed, I discuss alternative proposals, adopting both the perspective of the Member States and the view of the applicants themselves. Whereas most research has centred on the opportunities and risks of these instruments, on their efficiency or cost-benefit-relation, I ask for the political enforceability of the possible alternatives in the light of changed power relations in the European Parliament, the Commission and the Council. I shall argue that particularly the current perception of the German government might represent a window of opportunity for a policy change.

2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kawecka-Wyrzykowska

Abstract In reaction to the sharp deterioration of fiscal positions and a sovereign debt crisis in the majority of EU member states, EU leaders have been strengthening the EU economic governance framework, in particular for the eurozone member states. This has been reflected mainly through a reinforcement of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) within the so-called six-pack and through the recent adoption of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (TSCG). The objective of this paper is to present the main decisions taken to address intensifying problems in the EU and assess them from the point of view of stability of the eurozone. The paper argues that the recent adoption of the six-pack and of the TSCG has created a legal basis for more effective governance structure that is much stronger than previously, and closer fscal coordination among EU member states in order to ensure public fnance sustainability. The practical results will depend, however, on the political willingness of countries to accept the new rules and rigorous enforcement of those rules. Most of the new solutions continue the previous approach: stricter preventive and punishing rules, and their more rigorous application. TSCG has adopted a new element: parallel to EU rules, there should be enhanced national rules (possibly in the form of constitutional commitments) and national institutions responsible for fscal discipline. This approach implies that international rules are not strong enough for sovereign countries, which agree to be subject to democratically elected national authorities but do not want to follow decisions by “outside” institutions. In addition, reverse voting in the Council encourages for more pragmatic, economically justifed use of the modifed SGP. In view of a lack of political will to move forward into a political union, this seems the only realistic approach to ensure fscal stabilization and keep the eurozone alive in the short and medium run. Two main research methods have been applied: (a)Statistical analysis of data on changes of the public fnances in the EU member states (budgetary defcit and public debt), (b)comparative analysis of successive EU documents on strengthening economic governance and identifcation of strong and weak aspects of the new documents from the point of view of stability of the eurozone. The main conclusion is that in a situation of a lack of political will to move forward into a political union, the only realistic approach to ensure fscal stabilization and keep the eurozone alive in the short and medium term seems to be to enforce rigorously the recently adopted new commitments aiming at better fscal control of euro area members.


Author(s):  
Piotr Podsiadło

The paper discusses guidelines for implementation of art. 107-109 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, from the point of view of state aid for training. Training usually generates positive externalities for society as a whole, since it increases the pool of skilled workers from which other firms may draw, improves the competitiveness of the EU industry and plays an important role in the EU employment strategy. Statistical analysis was carried out on state aid granted by the EU Member States in the period 2001-2014 - from the perspective of its impact on competitiveness of these countries. This should lead to verification of thesis that the amount of state aid granted by the EU Member States for training, should positively correlate with the size of the GDP per capita of these countries


2021 ◽  
pp. 41-59
Author(s):  
Armenia ANDRONICEANU ◽  
Elvira NICA ◽  
Irina GEORGESCU ◽  
Oana Matilda SABIE

Developments in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) have led to major changes in public administration in all democratic states. The fact that information can be made public and accessible from anywhere, at any time, requires a new approach to the process of computerization of public administration. The objective of the research was to know the influence of ITC integration in the EU state administrations on corruption control in the period 2010 - 2019. We selected four relevant variables, which we integrated in a panel analysis including the 27 EU member states. Using STATA we made an econometric model on panel data and obtained interesting results from a scientific point of view. The results show that the integration of ICTs in the EU public administrations has significantly contribution to reducing corruption These results demonstrate the need to accelerate the digitization of administrations and create an integrated model of government cloud in the European administrative space. In addition, the results of the research highlight the differences between EU states in terms of the impact of ICTs on government efficiency and economic development.


Author(s):  
Andrii Martynov

The politics of the European Union are different from other organizations and states due to the unique nature of the EU. The common institutions mix the intergovernmental and supranational aspects of the EU. The EU treaties declare the EU to be based on representative democracy and direct elections take place to the European Parliament. The Parliament, together with the European Council, works for the legislative arm of the EU. The Council is composed of national governments thus representing the intergovernmental nature of the European Union. The central theme of this research is the influence of the European Union Political system the Results of May 2019 European Parliament Election. The EU supranational legislature plays an important role as a producer of legal norms in the process of European integration and parliamentary scrutiny of the activities of the EU executive. The European Parliament, as a representative institution of the European Union, helps to overcome the stereotypical notions of a “Brussels bureaucracy” that limits the sovereignty of EU member states. The European Parliament is a political field of interaction between European optimists and European skeptics. The new composition of the European Parliament presents political forces focused on a different vision of the strategy and tactics of the European integration process. European federalists in the “European People’s Party” and “European Socialists and Democrats” consider the strategic prospect of creating a confederate “United States of Europe”. The Brexit withdrawal from the EU could help the federalists win over European skeptics. Critics of the supranational project of European integration do not have a majority in the new composition of the European Parliament. But they are widely represented in many national parliaments of EU Member States. The conflicting interaction between European liberals and far-right populists is the political backdrop for much debate in the European Parliament. The result of this process is the medium term development vector of the European Union.


Author(s):  
Bożena Gierat-Bieroń ◽  

The EU is promoting cultural relations with Asian countries. While building interpersonal and institutional connections, the EU pays special attention to Japan. The image of the EU and its mutual relations with Japan are generally recognised as predominantly good and trustworthy. This paper will examine the process of building creative/progressive cultural relations between the EU and Japan based on two hypotheses; fi rst: despite the fact that the EU tried to develop cultural relations within Japan, the embassies of the EU Member States are far more active in cultural programs than the EU Delegation; and secondly: the reception of the EU as a historic and cultural project is rather fragmented (as opposed to being holistic) in Japan. The aim of this research is to analyse, compare, and evaluate both the effort and achievements made by the EU and Japan in the process of building creative cultural relations. The research will demonstrate an analytical approach in the political sciences discipline.


2005 ◽  
pp. 346-353
Author(s):  
Andrea Gáthy

In preparation for the World Summit on Sustainable Development (Johannesburg), almost all EU member-states and some accession countries presented their national strategies for sustainable development (NSSD) during the summer of 2002. Along with other countries, Hungary is only now setting up this important document. Everywhere during the last decade, as in the EU countries, the intention was to involve the environmental problems into other political questions (agricultural, energy and transport policy, etc.). Today the strategy-builders have given up the sectoral view because of difficulties and setbacks, and use a view aiming the problem.Agri-environmental issues appear as the elements of sustainability in the national strategies. For example, in accordance with the danger of global warming, the emission of green-house gasses of agriculture; in line with eco-efficiency, the production of renewable raw materials and energy sources originating from agriculture, and, in relation to changing lifestyle, food-safety and the future of biological agriculture will be disputed. With this study, I investigate the main characteristics of sustainable development strategies at both the EU level and at the level of the different member states from an agri-environmental point of view.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3(164) ◽  
pp. 167-198
Author(s):  
Przemysław Żurawski vel Grajewski

The article deals with the latest turn in the conflict over the status of Fidesz in the Christian political family in the European Union (EPP). It includes a presentation of the political scene of the European Parliament after the 2019 elections and Brexit and the play of interests between the factions operating on it, the national parties within them and the EU Member States. The EU political scene has been divided into the camp of continuation of the current model of European integration, the camp of reform – contesting the direction of integration but not the integration itself, and the camp of destruction, wanting the disintegration of the EU. The effects of a possible exit of Fidesz from the EPP were analysed in terms of their impact on the balance of power between the above-mentioned camps, between political families and their factions in the EP, as well as in terms of the interests of national parties and EU Member States. The conclusion is a forecast of a low probability of Fidesz’s removal from the EPP by the end of 2020.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-524
Author(s):  
Jürgen Gerhards ◽  
Clara Dilger

Abstract European law requires member states of the European Union (EU) to accept refugees. It also allows them to return refugees to their countries of origin if the reason for asylum no longer exists. Both the reception and return of refugees has become a widely debated and controversial issue in many member states of the EU. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states, we analysed whether citizens support the return of refugees when the cause for their displacement has become obsolete and how differences in attitudes toward the return of refugees can be explained. A clear majority of Europeans (70%) support the return of refugees. This is also the case for those who believe that their country should accept refugees in the first place. These results mean that existing law—the acceptance of refugees in need and the return when the cause becomes obsolete—is being supported by a majority of Europeans. However, there are considerable differences in approval rates among the countries. The results of multivariate analysis show that ideational factors—both on the micro and the macro level—influence attitudes toward the return of refugees, whereas structural factors, recurring to economic interest, do not contribute substantially to the explanation of attitudes toward the return. The political implications of these findings are discussed in the last section of the article.


Author(s):  
S.A. Shein

The “populist wave” in the EU member states is no longer a phenomenon isolated in domestic politics. It has a projection on the sphere of foreign policy of national states and the European Union. The article aims to “shed light” on the barriers arising on the way of conceptualizing and typologizing the foreign policy orientations of populist actors, relying on an ideological approach to populism. The study revealed that the main constraints for the conceptualization and typologization of populists' foreign policy are the fragmented nature of populism as an ideology, the limited ability to translate their attitudes into the political course, and gradual mainstreamization after coming to power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 736-769
Author(s):  
Kevin Fredy Hinterberger

A key challenge in migration governance at the EU level has been that of ‘combatting’ irregular immigration. Perhaps one of the most pressing structural problems regarding the EU’s return policy is the enforcement deficit in returning irregularly staying migrants. Even though Member States must issue a return decision according to the Return Directive, only 40% of such decisions are enforced. Despite all of the political and legal efforts made, the EU is not making any significant progress in enforcing the rules laid down in the Return Directive. This contribution explores a different legal approach that is already used rather extensively in national legislation of EU Member States, which targets irregular residence through a differentiated system of granting residence permits, that is, regularizations. Hence, this paper argues for an EU Regularization Directive, which could contribute to a reduction in the number of irregularly staying migrants. Through such a Directive, which would complement the existing EU return policy, a more effective ‘combatting’ of irregular immigration at the EU level could be achieved.


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