Voices: migrant domestic workers and civil society

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-332
Author(s):  
Manuel Abrantes
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Fluid Motion ◽  
Domestic Workers ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Symbolic Violence ◽  
Feminist Ethnography ◽  
Regulatory Frameworks ◽  
Immigrant Organizations

Empirical research at two immigrant organizations engaged in mobilizing and representing domestic workers provides the foundations for a reflection on the struggle of the underprivileged to act collectively. The fluid motion of civil society organizations between agents of mobilization and producers of policy advise amplifies the importance of examining their operation. Renowned elaborations on public sociology, feminist ethnography, and symbolic violence are convened. The dispute for inclusion and representation in this particular case is shown to take place at two distinct though interconnected fronts: one pertaining to the value and legitimacy of domestic work, the other pertaining to regulatory frameworks. 

scholarly journals Silencing Their Critics: How Government Restrictions Against Civil Society Affect International ‘Naming and Shaming’

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The One ◽  
Naming And Shaming ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
Cross National

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.

ELITE STRATEGIES, CIVIL SOCIETY, AND SECTARIAN IDENTITIES IN POSTWAR LEBANON

2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 731-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janine A. Clark ◽  
Bassel F. Salloukh
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Recursive Relation ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Ethnic Identities

AbstractThis article explains the endurance of sectarian identities and modes of political mobilization in Lebanon after the civil war. This is done by examining three case studies that demonstrate a recursive relation between sectarian elites and civil society actors: on one side of this relation, sectarian elites pursue their political and socioeconomic interests at the expense of civil society organizations (CSOs); on the other side, civil society actors instrumentalize the sectarian political system and its resources to advance their own organizational or personal advantage. These mutually reinforcing dynamics enable sectarian elites to penetrate, besiege, or co-opt CSOs as well as to extend their clientelist networks to CSOs that should otherwise lead the effort to establish cross-sectarian ties and modes of political mobilization or that expressly seek to challenge the sectarian system. The article fills a gap in the literature on sectarianism in postwar Lebanon and helps explain a puzzle identified by Ashutosh Varshney in the theoretical debate on ethnic conflict, namely the reasons behind the “stickiness” of historically constructed ethnic identities.

scholarly journals Tantangan kontemporer organisasi masyarakat sipil dalam gerakan hak asasi manusia

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Halili Halili
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Future Challenge ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
New Challenges

Civil Society Organizations play a significant role in movement of human rights. CSO's face shifting contemporary challenges, namelY, betrayal against values of human rights and weaknesses of state sovereignty. These new challenges strive for CSO's to conduct some action in two ways: retrospective paradigm and prospective one. In one hand, they should do war against forget in the past viola­tions of human rights. In the other hand, tbey have to respond progressivelY the future challenge of human rights.

Civil Society and its Place in the Constitution of Nepal

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 100-127
Author(s):  
Kapilmani Dahal
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Voluntary Organization ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Hot Matter ◽  
Fundamental Law ◽  
The One ◽  
Secondary Method

Civil society is a non-political sphere and a voluntary organization made from individuals. It lies as an intermediary layer between individuals and families on the one hand and state institutions on the other hand. Civil society has been becoming a hot matter in the system. Its place is not same everywhere. Some developed countries have been provide democratic atmosphere to develop it and have been ignoring it. Constitution as fundamental law of the land is a major tool providing space for civil society. In the context of Nepal civil society organizations, persons, movements or other forms of civil societies have been politicizing and they are ignoring their own values and status, which may be harmful to the effective functioning of democracy. In another context of Nepal books and articles have been written, researches are also conducted but the relation and place of civil society to constitutional provisions has not been mentioned yet. So this study has been made to link civil society to constitution of Nepal. Finally it drew conclusion that Constitution of Nepal is implementing and it has addressed some place for civil society but unfortunately some limitations made on constitution and politization of civil society has made civil society a believeless variables in Nepal. To draw the conclusion in this study descriptive analytical and content analysis methods has been used and information has been taken from secondary method.

Barriers to UN–Civil Society Collaborations: An Exploratory Study of CSOs Within the UN–ECOSOC Consultative Status Programme

2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110567
Author(s):  
B. D. Mowell
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Random Sample ◽  
Exploratory Study ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Barriers To Participation ◽  
Macro Scale ◽  
Consultative Status

In recent decades, civil society organizations (CSOs) have ostensibly attained increased access to the United Nations (UN) and other intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and, in turn, increased opportunities for collaboration with IGOs. However, in most cases, CSO access to IGOs remains limited and highly regimented. Little scholarship has been undertaken to examine barriers to effective CSO–IGO collaborations. Virtually, no empirical research has examined the degree or nature of the interaction between the UN and international civil society via the dynamic of the flagship programme designed to facilitate such collaborations—the consultative status framework. This exploratory study partially addresses the latter gap in the scholarship by undertaking a qualitative macro-scale examination of CSOs within the UN Economic and Social Council’s (ECOSOC) consultative status programme, the primary vehicle in the UN–civil society dynamic. Specifically, the study sought to identify barriers to UN–civil society collaboration within the consultative status programme as perceived by participating CSOs. Findings of a survey sent to a random sample of 10% of CSOs holding UN–ECOSOC consultative status revealed that barriers to participation in the programme varied with some obstacles far more common than others. The degree of barriers reported by CSOs also strongly reflected the level of accreditation they held within the programme. Additionally, survey respondents offered insight as to how impediments in the collaboration could potentially be addressed.

scholarly journals Interest, politics and drift in policy implementation: The case of trafficking prevention measures in Brazil

Ethnography ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146613812110160
Author(s):  
Susanne Hofmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Crime Prevention ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Prevention Measures ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
Policy Work ◽  
The One

This article scrutinizes the anti-trafficking efforts that the PT Government in Brazil undertook to implement the National Anti-Trafficking Policy in collaboration with different civil society organizations. Focusing on crime prevention measures, the article analyses the perceptions and understandings of trafficking, and the values and norms implicit in those, as well as the relationships developed between pubic officials and members of the civil society in this context. Examining everyday policy work, the article illustrates that policy implementation cannot be considered a mere technical-rational endeavor, in which replaceable officials deliver consistent and replicable outcomes based on unambiguous rules, assigned roles, and specified tasks and procedures. On the one hand, personality, personal motives and interests played a significant role in forging policy implementation focus and approach. On the other hand, the public officials struggled with the activists’ attempts to shift policy concerns and implementation into a direction that diverged from their own politics.

Kenya: Counterterrorism in Kenya: Security aid, impunity and Muslim alienation

2019 ◽  
pp. 386-409
Author(s):  
Jeremy Prestholdt
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Military

Since the 1998 bombing of the US Embassy in Nairobi, the Government of Kenya’s response to terrorism has been multifaceted. Government efforts have primarily relied on civil authorities and the military, thus privileging the use of force over subtler means. The Kenyan Police have employed measures such as profiling, detention, and prosecution. The Kenyan military has conducted operations in Kenya and Somalia. These strategies have contributed to the apprehension of some terrorist suspects and checked Shabaab’s advance in Somalia. Yet, Kenya’s counterterrorism efforts have been hampered by limited coordination among agencies, the use of heavy-handed tactics, and insufficient engagement with civil society organizations. Two defining features of Kenyan counterterrorism efforts have emerged. First, counterterrorism in Kenya has clear sociocultural dimensions. Security forces have responded to the threat of terrorism by focusing intently on Kenya’s alienated Muslim communities both in the Somali-majority north and at the Swahili-speaking coast. As a result, the Government of Kenya’s response to terrorism reflects communal divisions and animosity within Kenyan society that precede contemporary counterterrorism. Second, Kenya’s invasion of neighboring Somalia created and blurred two fronts: one within Kenya and the other in southern Somalia. The actions of Kenyan policy-makers and al Shabaab therefore contributed to a more complete integration of the conflict in Somalia and internal tensions in Kenya..

scholarly journals Civil society in a divided society: Linking legitimacy and ethnicness of civil society organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Puljek-Shank ◽  
Willemijn Verkoren
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Ethnic Organizations ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
Post War

Civil society (CS) strengthening is central to peacebuilding policies for divided, post-war societies. However, it has been criticized for creating internationalized organizations without local backing, unable to represent citizens’ interests. Based on in-depth empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article focuses on the legitimacy of CS organizations (CSOs). It explores why legitimacy for donors rarely accompanies legitimacy for local actors. We hypothesized that whilst donors avoid supporting mono-ethnic organizations, seen as problematic for peacebuilding, ‘ethnicness’ may provide local legitimacy. However, our analysis of CSOs’ ethnicness nuances research characterizing organizations as either inclusive or divisive. Moreover, local legitimacy is not based on ethnicness per se, but CSOs’ ability to skilfully interact with ethnically divided constituencies and political structures. In addition, we offer novel explanations why few organizations enjoy both donor and local legitimacy, including local mistrust of donors’ normative frameworks and perceived lack of results. However, we also show that a combination of local and donor legitimacy is possible, and explore this rare but interesting category of organizations.

scholarly journals Integración de los inmigrantes haitianos de la oleada a México del 2016

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Schwarz Coulange Méroné ◽  
Manuel Ángel Castillo
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Cultural Differences ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Qualitative Methodology ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Other ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Haitian Immigrants ◽  
Mixed Marriages ◽  
Mexican Society

This article analyzes the nascent process of incorporation of Haitian immigrants of the 2016 wave in Mexico, especially in Tijuana, Mexicali, and Mexico City. We are interested in integration into two key social spaces: the labor market and socio-affective relationships. Through a qualitative methodology, we document the existence of notable differences in labor insertion in the three cities, with a clear “advantage” for those who live in Tijuana and Mexicali. On the other hand, despite the recent settlement of Haitians and their socio-cultural differences with the Mexican society, there are already mixed marriages and families. Although there is still a lot to achieve, there is no doubt that an integration process is underway, but mostly supported by civil society organizations and the ingenuity of Haitian migrants.

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