Contemporary Issues of Radical Temper in Leonard Ikerionwu’s Heroes of Change

Author(s):  
Raphael Onyejizu

This paper sets out to examine the contemporary issues of radical temper in Leonard Ikerionwu’s prose fiction. It aimed at showing that the myriads of challenges of the Nigerian socio-political enclave have not escaped the creative consciousness of the emergent African (Nigerian) writer and critic. It was discovered that the text under study carefully mirrored the present society from the Marxist viewpoint, highlighting attendant problems such as marginalization among the rank and file of the military, poverty, corruption, unemployment, insecurity and leadership ineptitude. In the light of these potent issues presented, the paper sought to educate and appeal to the masses’ conscience to perceive revolution as an alternative means, towards the total restoration of change in human society.

This paper sets out to examine the contemporary issues of radical temper in Leonard Ikerionwu’s prose fiction. It aimed at showing that the myriads of challenges of the Nigerian socio-political enclave have not escaped the creative consciousness of the emergent African (Nigerian) writer and critic. It was discovered that the text under study carefully mirrored the present society from the Marxist viewpoint, highlighting attendant problems such as marginalization among the rank and file of the military, poverty, corruption, unemployment, insecurity and leadership ineptitude. In the light of these potent issues presented, the paper sought to educate and appeal to the masses’ conscience to perceive revolution as an alternative means, towards the total restoration of change in human society.


This paper sets out to examine the contemporary issues of radical temper in Leonard Ikerionwu’s prose fiction. It aimed at showing that the myriads of challenges of the Nigerian socio-political enclave have not escaped the creative consciousness of the emergent African (Nigerian) writer and critic. It was discovered that the text under study carefully mirrored the present society from the Marxist viewpoint, highlighting attendant problems such as marginalization among the rank and file of the military, poverty, corruption, unemployment, insecurity and leadership ineptitude. In the light of these potent issues presented, the paper sought to educate and appeal to the masses’ conscience to perceive revolution as an alternative means, towards the total restoration of change in human society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
Mubarra Javed ◽  
Naushaba Haq

This research paper explores the factors behind the political instability and economic inequality in Pakistan, especially during General Zia’s military regime as reflected in Nadeem Aslam’s novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’ (1993), in the light of the theory of New Historicism. The study highlights that the military intervened in political affairs and imposed martial law in 1977. The parliamentary democratic process in Pakistan did not get stability due to certain factors, such as feudal dynasty, social and economic inequalities, exploitation of masses, and low literacy rate. The feudal elites have always supported the military in this process to seek their vested interests, as their dominance over political affairs has been great. On the other hand, the masses’ dependency on their land for economic survival has worsened the situation. This study is based on a qualitative research approach and has been carried out by doing a textual analysis of the selected excerpts from the novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’. The findings reveal that the social composition of the feudal class has undermined the institution of democracy and caused political, social, and economic disintegration. It monopolized the institution of politics and made a way for the military to intervene in the political affairs of the country. Without the provision of social and economic justice, democracy cannot get stability in Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Nancy Gakahu

The history of Kenya is loaded with continuous moments when music played a key role in expressing various issues in the country. Music is one of the most important modes through which ordinary Kenyans express their wishes, identity, frustrations and aspirations. For a long time, freedom of speech in Kenya, especially on issues touching political injustice had been curtailed. However, musicians in Kenya offered an alternative means of challenging the political status quo in the country by use of musical lyrics which address injustices directly or metaphorically. What is the place of music in Kenya's political landscape? Has political music in Kenya made a difference in governance and in educating the masses on their political and social rights? Have political songs helped change the political and social climate in Kenya? These issues are examined in this chapter.


Author(s):  
H. Burcu Önder Memiş

Fear is a human emotion that allows a person to survive. It has a function to ensure the continuity of life. The definition of fear has changed over time. Along with human development, transition to sedentary life, the industrial revolution, and modern life, fear and the things feared have changed. Fear has started to be marketed, especially in post-industrial societies. The governments have seen that fear and violence work to regulate, control, and passivate people. Political governments have had the unique opportunity to use fear as a mechanism for control and surveillance. The governments have aestheticized the fear and presented it indirectly with the support of media. The masses have been shaped as weak, scared, anxious, and helpless in the shadow of fear and violence. This study tries to shed light on the attempt to persuade the society about the legitimacy of the military government by presenting fear and violence to people in aestheticized forms in the 1980s in Turkey.


Author(s):  
Paul Vanderwood ◽  
Robert Weis

By revealing the weaknesses of its political system and the fragmentation of its social fabric, Mexico’s devastating loss to the United States in 1848 forced a reexamination of the nation’s very foundation. It also emboldened leaders to redouble efforts to either refashion Mexico into a modern, democratic republic or strengthen colonial-era institutions that had ensured unity and stability despite cultural and regional heterogeneity. Those who hoped to modernize Mexico were the liberals. Their ideas regarding the depth and pace of change varied considerably. But they coalesced around broad principles—democracy, secularism, and capitalism—that, they insisted, would help Mexico overcome the vestiges of colonialism. In pursuit of equality under the law, liberals proposed to dismantle legal privileges for nobles, ecclesiastics, and the military. In order to stimulate the economy, they wanted to force corporate entities, especially the church, to sell their lands to individual owners. Finally, liberals sought to establish the primacy of the state by granting civil leaders authority over the church. Conservatives countered that the liberal program and its exotic ideas constituted an attack on Mexico’s Hispanic Catholic legacy and would only further weaken the nation. It was a chimera, if not demagoguery, to declare the equality of citizens in a society where the masses were illiterate, isolated hamlets who barely spoke Spanish, and residents in the far-flung regions regarded national rule with deep suspicion. Conservatives feared that the liberal program would foster more of the peasant revolts, threats of regional succession, and racial antagonism that had roiled the nation since independence. They wanted to conserve the pillars of order—the military and the Catholic Church—reinstate monarchism, and curtail political participation. Liberals and conservatives vociferously debated these divergent visions in the public forum. But ultimately their differences plunged the country into civil war.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 274-296
Author(s):  
Bakht Shaid ◽  
Hafiz Muhammad Sani

سیرت طیبہ پر استشراقی فکر کے اعتراضات کے اسباب و عوامل کا تاریخی و ارتقائی جائزہ Over the course of time and with the rapid increase in human population need for mutual relations become crucial. Resultantly on behalf of this closeness, separation, anti-standpoints and comparisons also emerged. As the time passed by hatred and hypocrisy and other social vices spread on large scale. Thus human society was waiting for such liberator who may lead and work for the betterment of this society. With the dawn of Islamic civilization all such issues were not only resolved but also provided with a model for containing the difference of opinion and multiple traditions under its unique worldview. Islamic History presents itself as a model where the minorities were provided with the opportunities of participating in political, social, educational and collective affairs. Thus in a society where tyranny, injustice, un-forbearance, religious intensity, terrorism and the activities of violating the human rights were very common, were substituted by the Islamic ideal  of forbearance. It is argued here that the solution of all these issues was only in religion contrary to what is being claimed about an idea of social harmony where religion is not given its due position. Today its our dire need to develop a sense of harmony, modesty, affection and peacefulness among the masses of various religions of Pakistani society. It is further argued that for this very noble cause all the religious scholars and their followers can come forward playing their pertinent role.  


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (125) ◽  
pp. 603-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iris Bünger

The role played by the media in the construction of societal reality is both – determined by discourse and determines discourse. The media can be regarded as a kind of „magnifying glass” that collects information and focuses it for the masses. The reporting of the BILD-Zeitung, a leading figure in mass print media is analysed after the attacks on US-targets on September 11, 2001. The discursive strategy to define terror as war and to prepare the military counter attacks entailing „unlimited German Solidarity” is demonstrated by illumination of the argumentation strategies and collective symbolism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 627 ◽  
pp. A8 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. M. López ◽  
H. Cremades ◽  
L. A. Balmaceda ◽  
F. A. Nuevo ◽  
A. M. Vásquez

Context. Reliable estimates of the mass of coronal mass ejections (CMEs) are required to quantify their energy and predict how they affect space weather. When a CME propagates near the observer’s line of sight, these tasks involve considerable errors, which motivated us to develop alternative means for estimating the CME mass. Aims. We aim at further developing and testing a method that allows estimating the mass of CMEs that propagate approximately along the observer’s line of sight. Methods. We analyzed the temporal evolution of the mass of 32 white-light CMEs propagating across heliocentric heights of 2.5–15 R⊙, in combination with that of the mass evacuated from the associated low coronal dimming regions. The mass of the white-light CMEs was determined through existing methods, while the mass evacuated by each CME in the low corona was estimated using a recently developed technique that analyzes the dimming in extreme-UV (EUV) images. The combined white-light and EUV analyses allow the quantification of an empirical function that describes the evolution of CME mass with height. Results. The analysis of 32 events yielded reliable estimates of the masses of front-side CMEs. We quantified the success of the method by calculating the relative error with respect to the mass of CMEs determined from white-light STEREO data, where the CMEs propagate close to the plane of sky. The median for the relative error in absolute values is ≈30%; 75% of the events in our sample have an absolute relative error smaller than 51%. The sources of uncertainty include the lack of knowledge of piled-up material, subsequent additional mass supply from the dimming region, and limitations in the mass-loss estimation from EUV data. The proposed method does not rely on assumptions of CME size or distance to the observer’s plane of sky and is solely based on the determination of the mass that is evacuated in the low corona. It therefore represents a valuable tool for estimating the mass of Earth-directed events.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Amir Abdul Reda

What aspects of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s (a.k.a. the Ikhwan) cultural/ideological framing contributed to its failure to gather opponents of the Assad regime around its leadership during the 2011uprising? What does this reveal about why some Islamist political parties failed in situations of high political contention, such as the Syrian civil war? I argue that despite considerable evolution in the Syrian Brotherhood’s cultural/ideological framing since its first uprising (1977-82), it failed to target three crucial aspects of the 2011 uprising: the military struggle, the masses, and the religious minorities. My research outlines how the movement’s ideological shift toward non-violence and post-1982 reorientation toward democratic elections (ironically) prevented its members from playing a leadership role in what was mainly an armed struggle. At the same time, my research outlines how this evolution and its related changes attracted neither the masses, which remained oriented toward the traditional economic elites, nor the Sunni-oriented religious minorities. I argue that these three crucial aspects undermined the Ikhwan’s efforts and illustrate how poor cultural/ideological framing can doom even those Islamist political parties with the strongest resource mobilization capacities and previously unmatched situationsof political opportunity structures.


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