scholarly journals ARAH POLITIK HUKUM PERTANAHAN DAN PERLINDUNGAN KEPEMILIKAN TANAH MASYARAKAT

Author(s):  
Nurhasan Ismail

<p>Penguasaan dan pemanfaatan tanah yang diatur dalam Undang-Undang Pokok Agraria (UUPA) merupakan arah dari politik hukum pertanahan Indonesia yang bertujuan untuk menjamin terwujudnya kemakmuran bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Wujud dari hal tersebut terlihat dari adanya perhatian khusus kepada kelompok masyarakat lemah melalui kebijakan pertanahan. Belakangan, terjadi pergeseran politik pertanahan, dimana penguasaan dan pemanfaatan tanah hanya didapat oleh sekelompok kecil masyarakat, yaitu perusahaan besar. Tulisan yang membahas tentang politik hukum pertanahan nasional saat ini dan bentuk perlindungan hak kepemilikan tanah masyarakat dilakukan dengan metode penelitian sosio- yuridis. Dari hasil penelitian terlihat bahwa pada saat ini terdapat upaya untuk menghidupkan kebijakan pertanahan yang mengembalikan keseimbangan seperti yang diinginkan UUPA. Langkah yang ditawarkan untuk mewujudkan hal tersebut adalah dengan menerapkan politik hukum pertanahan prismatik yang mendasarkan pada beberapa prinsip seperti prinsip keberagaman hukum dalam kesatuan, prinsip persamaan atas dasar ketidaksamaan, prinsip mengutamakan keadilan dan kemanfaatan di atas kepastian hukum, dan prinsip diferensiasi fungsi dalam keterpaduan.</p><p>Land use and tenure are stipulated in the Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA) is the political direction of the Indonesian land law aimed at ensuring the realization of prosperity for all Indonesian people. Manifestations of this evident from the presence of particular concern to the community weaker over land policy. Indonesia. Later, the political shift of land, land use and tenure which obtained only by a small group of people, the big companies. Studies that discuss the political current national land law and forms of protection of land rights community do with socio-legal research methods. From the research shows that there are now efforts to turn the land policy that restores the balance as desired UUPA. Measures offered to make this happen is to apply the law of the land prismatic politics based on several principles like the principle of legal diversity in unity, the principle of equality on the basis of inequality, the principle that the justice and expediency over the rule of law, and the principle of differentiation in functionality integration.</p>

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-163
Author(s):  
I Gede Wardana Oka Sastra Wiguna ◽  
I Nyoman Putu Budiartha ◽  
I Putu Gede Seputra

The study of this research is a review of the ownership of land rights for husbands / wives as a result of the existence of mixed marriages, currently mixed marriages exist in various circles of Indonesian society, the cause of this legal incident is the result of the fast and easy development of the times, and is supported by international relations that continue to increase. With the occurrence of many mixed marriages in Indonesia, legal protection in mixed marriages should be accommodated properly in the legislation in Indonesia. The purpose of this research is to understand the arrangement of ownership of land rights according to Law Number 5 of 1960 concerning agrarian principles and to know the status of ownership of land rights that can be owned in mixed marriages. Researchers use normative techniques, namely normative legal research methods or library law research methods, which are methods or methods used in legal research conducted by examining existing library materials. This research illustrates that the ownership of land rights according to Law Number 5 of 1960 concerning Basic Basic Agrarian Regulations in general, land rights can be in the form of property rights, land use rights, land use rights, and finally use rights which are between one and one rights. Other rights have different meanings in terms of limitations on legal subjects of ownership and limitations on the duration of ownership. The status of ownership of land rights that can be owned in mixed marriages is attached to people who have Indonesian citizenship and in mixed marriages the problems of ownership of the rights over can be resolved by a marriage agreement made between the parties.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Atindriya Hastungkara

This journal is entitled Legal Protection of Actual Land Differences With Land Rights Certificate. This journal examines the function of the letters in the registration of land rights and how the legal safeguards for the holders of land rights in terms of factual land differences with the letters on the land certificate. The type of research used is normative legal research, which is a process to find the rule of law, legal principles, and legal doctrines to answer the legal issues faced in accordance with the characteristics of prescriptions of jurisprudence. This normative legal research is a procedure and way of scientific research to find the truth based on the logic of science in terms of normatifnya. So that it can answer the legal issues posed. Further said in doing research law. Approach to the problem of statutory approach (Statute Approach) based on the Act, conceptual approach (Conceptual Approach) based on theories and concepts, and the case approach (Case approach).Keywords: Legal Protection of Land Rights Holder, Land Certificate, Land Factual Difference With Measure Letters.


Author(s):  
Andrii Vozniuk ◽  
Dmitriy Kamensky ◽  
Olexandr Dudorov ◽  
Roman Movchan ◽  
Andriy Andrushko

The investigation reveals shortcomings in the arguments of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine on the recognition of article 366-1 of the Criminal Code as not being in conformity with the Constitution, in terms of:(a) the court's lack of authority to criminalize socially dangerous acts; (b) lack of argumentation on the absence of social harm in the non-submission of a declaration and in the presentation of inaccurate information; (c) positive foreign experience; (d) conformity of article 366-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine with the principle of the rule of law. The article employs a set of legal research methods, including terminological, systemic-structural, formal-logical, and comparative-legal. It is stressed that:(a) the criminalization of a socially harmful act is a matter for the legislator, not the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, to decide; (b) the decision does not present or refute any argument on the element of social harmfulness relating to the non-submission of a declaration and the declaration of inaccurate information. On the basis of the investigation, it has been concluded that the decision of the Constitutional Court on the recognition of article 366-1 of the Criminal Code does not comply with the Constitution and has not been sufficiently substantiated.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kinnari Bhatt

AbstractOne way of understanding the exile of the Chagos Islanders and their inability to return to their ancestral land is through a reading of the case from a perspective of post-colonial legal scholarship. Chagossians have strong legal rights to land and remedies of compensation and return through a purposive application of the international legal definition of Indigenous, Magna Carta right to abode and international human rights law that could address their dispossession. Yet, the inability of those rights to be meaningfully applied has been constrained because of the post-colonial way they are legally interpreted, creating a legal vacuum in which basic fairness and substantive equality have been routinely compromised. Drawing attention to the continued legal denial of return in the context of decolonisation, ongoing colonialism and the rule of law makes sense of the legal record and explains the expulsion of the islanders despite the moral merits of return.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Gavison

A discussion of the role of courts in Israel today demands some introductory remarks. The Supreme Court and the President of the Supreme Court enjoy great acclaim and respect within Israel and abroad, but have recently come under attack from a variety of sources. These attacks are often confused, and many of them are clearly motivated by narrow partisan interests and an inherent objection to the rule of law and judicial review. But these motives do not necessarily weaken the dangers which the attacks pose to the legitimacy of the courts in general, and the Supreme Court in particular, in Israel's public life. The fact that in some sectors extremely harsh criticism of the court is seen to be an electoral boost, testifies to the serious and dangerous nature of the threat. This situation creates a dilemma for those who want a strong and independent judiciary, believing it is essential for freedom and democracy, but who also believe that, during the last two decades, the courts have transgressed limits they should respect. The dilemma becomes especially acute when the political echo sounds out in one's criticism, and when one is part of the group that believes that the legal and the judicial systems have made some contribution to the prevalence of these hyperbolic and dangerous attacks, as I am.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Rimbawanto ◽  
Doddy Kridasaksana ◽  
Ariyono

<p>Tujuan yang hendak dicapai dari penelitian ini dapat mengetahui perlindungan hukum terhadap perbatasan wilayah antara Negara Republik Indonesia dengan Timor Leste dan kendala dan upaya mengatasi masalah perbatasan wilayah antara Negara Republik Indonesia dengan Timor Leste.</p><p>Penelitian ini menggunakan yuridis normatif yaitu penelitian hukum yang dilakukan dengan cara meneliti atau mempelajari masalah dilihat dari segi aturan hukumnya, meneliti bahan pustaka atau data sekunder</p><p>Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan secara umum berdasarkan hasil inventarisir peraturan perundang-undangan, pengakuan masyarakat adat di Indonesia tidak dalam posisi untuk mengakui keberadaan masyarakat adat, melainkan untuk membatasi keberadaan masyarakat adat.</p><pre>The objectives to be achieved from this research can be legal protection of the territorial border between the Republic of Indonesia and Timor Leste and the constraints and efforts to overcome the border issues between the Republic of Indonesia and Timor Leste.</pre><pre>               This study uses yuridis normative, namely legal research conducted by researching or studying the problem seen in terms of the rule of law, researching library materials or secondary data</pre><pre>               The results of this study show Generally based on the results of inventory of legislation, the recognition of indigenous peoples in Indonesia is not in a position to recognize the existence of indigenous peoples, but rather to limit the existence of indigenous peoples. </pre><pre> </pre>


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 293-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Diamond

Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History (Cambridge 2009) offers a theory of the evolution of the modern state and an even more ambitious framework “for interpreting recorded human history.” The book raises fundamental questions about the political structuring of violence, the functions of the rule of law, and the establishment and maintenance of political order. In doing so, it speaks to a range of political scientists from a variety of methodological and subfield perspectives. We have thus invited four prominent political science scholars of violence and politics to comment on the book: Jack Snyder, Caroline Hartzell, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and Larry Diamond.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Ocko ◽  
David Gilmartin

This paper uses the concept of the “rule of law” to compare Qing China and British India. Rather than using the rule of law instrumentally, the paper embeds it in the histories of state power and sovereignty in China and India. Three themes, all framed by the rule of law and the rule of man as oppositional yet paradoxically intertwined notions, organize the paper's comparisons: the role of a discourse of law in simultaneously legitimizing and constraining the political authority of the state; the role of law and legal procedures in shaping and defining society; and the role of law in defining an economic and social order based on contract, property, and rights. A fourth section considers the implications of these findings for the historical trajectories of China and India in the twentieth century. Taking law as an instrument of power and an imagined realm that nonetheless also transcended power and operated outside its ambit, the paper seeks to broaden the history of the “rule of law” beyond Euro-America.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


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