scholarly journals FROM INDEPENDISTS SLOGANS TO NORMALIZATION: THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH (1931–1939)

Author(s):  
Mariia SEREDIUK

The author provides an analysis of the organizational and political work of a well-known figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO). Specific examples show the struggle of one of the leaders of Ukrainian national democracy for raising the national consciousness of Galician Ukrainians, establishing in the public mind the idea of ​​the unity and statehood of Ukrainian lands, and also highlight the contribution to the normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the 1930s. The study demonstrated that Volodymyr Tselevych not only joined the Central Committee of the Party, but was elected Secretary-General (1925–1928, 1932–1937), and later became Deputy Chairman (1928–1930, 1937–1939). The UNDO leader has made great efforts to rebuild UNDO county organizations, to rebuild the activities of the party centers in villages and the party movement in general. At numerous meetings, V. Tselevych explained the main political line of the party –- to acquire an independent unite Ukrainian state, called on members for intensive work, organization of county congresses and local elections of the party leadership. It has been found out that the UNDO II and III congresses unreservedly approved the political line and tactics of the organization, expressed confidence in D. Levitsky and V. Tselevych. However, in the first half of the 1930s, the party's tactics underwent a fundamental change – has evolved towards finding ways of understanding with the Polish authorities based on the idea of Western Ukraine's autonomy within Poland. This was evidenced by the IV People's Congress, which intensified intra-party confrontation. From the perspective of V. Tselevych's political biography, the author shows the complex combination of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the studied period. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, UNDO, Poland, social and political activity, normalization.

Author(s):  
Roman KOSTYSHYN

The main directions of Volodymyr Kokhan's public and political activities in the 1920-1960s are analyzed through the prism of socio-political processes in the region. Attention is focused on the features of the formation of his worldview. V. Kokhan's expressive national and patriotic consciousness was based on family values and was laid down by educational and public institutions of Halychyna, which carried out active awareness-raising work among the Ukrainian people of the region. The politician's contribution to the activity of the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO) is considered, his circle of like-minded people is singled out, among them - the future leaders of the national-state parties and national-cultural organizations of Halychyna. While in the UMO during the national liberation struggle, the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919, he made considerable efforts to protect the national, cultural, and socio-political rights of Ukrainians in Halychyna. In the mid-1920s, as a member of the Ukrainian Party of National Labor (UPNR), he was one of the active supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDA). The well-known politician's organizational and political work is characterized; specific examples show the struggle of one of the Ukrainian national democracy leaders for raising the national consciousness of the Ukrainians of Halychyna. Through V. Kokhan's political biography's prism, the complex intertwining of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the period is shown. The parliamentary work of V. Kokhan in the highest legislative body of Poland is outlined. Since 1928, party activity became secondary for one of the leaders of the National Democrats, comparing to parliamentary work. Emphasis is placed on organizational achievements in the National Unity Front (NUF), in exile in Canada, as one of the leaders of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC). Keywords: Volodymyr Kokhan, socio-political activities, Western Ukraine, emigration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Yoder

Homeowners and renters have participated in politics at different rates throughout American history, but does becoming a property owner motivate an individual to par- ticipate in local politics? I combine deed-level property records in California and Texas with an original dataset on individual comments in local city council meetings to study the role of property ownership in shaping costly forms of political behavior, and I document large inequalities in who participates at city council meetings. I also link property records to individual-level contribution records and administrative voter files and find that becoming a property owner increases an individual’s political activity. Over and above voting in local elections, property ownership motivates individuals to participate in local city council meetings and donate to candidates. These findings illustrate how the experience of homeownership leads property owners to become much more active in local politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Stout

AbstractWhile a number of studies demonstrate that black candidates have the ability to increase black political participation, a growing literature is investigatingwhydescriptive representation matters. This paper contributes to this discussion by exploring whether perceptions of candidate traits play a mediating role between the presence of an African American candidate on the ballot and increases in black political activity. I test this trait hypothesis using data from the 1992–2012 American National Election Study, a survey experiment, and statistical mediation analysis. The results indicate that perceptions of black candidates as being better leaders, more empathetic, knowledgeable, intelligent, honest, and moral explain a substantial amount of why descriptive representation increases black political participation across a range of different political activities. In the conclusion, I discuss the importance of the psychological link between blacks and their co-racial representatives in inspiring higher levels of political participation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktor Dahl ◽  
Håkan Stattin

The purpose of this study is to examine the adolescents who cross the boundaries of legality, also including illegal political means in their political action repertoire. The data comprised of questionnaire responses from middle and late adolescents in a Swedish city of around 130,000 citizens. Analyses of covariance, EXACON, and logistic regression were used to examine the extent to which adolescents including illegal political activities in their political activity repertoire compare with their legally oriented counterparts. Adolescents using illegal political activity reported higher levels of political interest and goal-orientation than adolescents involved solely in legal political activity. The major contrasts with legal political activism were that illegal political activism seemed to co-occur with (a) reluctance to accept authority, irrespective of the context (societal, school, or parental) and (b) approval of violent political means. In a simultaneous model, further analysis revealed that reluctance to accept authority reduced the predictive power of illegal political activities with regard to approval of political violence. This suggests that the tendencies to approve of political violence, among adolescents involved in illegal political activities, might be partially explained by challenges toward authority. To conclude, adolescents in illegal political activism seem to have similar resources for political engagement as their legally oriented counterparts. However, adolescents involved in illegal political activity seem more likely to let ends justify the means. Most likely, this position is related to authority challenges.


1979 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Godfrey

Historians of Chartism face a dilemma. On the one hand, they are obliged to interpret this national political movement on the national level, to attempt to explain why millions of British working men and women were engaged in organized political activity over several decades. But, on the other hand, many of the richest sources on Chartism are found on the local level. Older histories of the movement treated Chartism from a national perspective, but failed to take note of many of its complexities. More recently, a good deal of local research has rigorously tested our assumptions about Chartism, but the task of carefully analyzing the movement on the national level still remains.


2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 891-903 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy L. Hansen ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell

Corporate political activity is usually operationalized and analyzed as financial contributions to candidates or political parties through political action committees (PACs). Very little attention has been paid to other dimensions, such as lobbying, in a systematic way. On a theoretical level we address the issue of how to conceive of PAC contributions, lobbying, and other corporate activities, such as charitable giving, in terms of the strategic behavior of corporations and the implications of “foreignness” for the different types of corporate political activity. On an empirical level we examine the political activities of Fortune 500 firms, along with an oversampling of U.S. affiliates of large foreign investors for the 1987–88 election cycle.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (11) ◽  
pp. 2357-2372
Author(s):  
Richard S. Brown

Purpose Previous research combining corporate political activity and collective action theory has focused solely on industry structure and its role in predicting group lobbying or PAC participation. The purpose of this paper is to use a different context—franchise systems—to apply Olsonian collective action theory to political activities. Design/methodology/approach Using a random-effects technique in STATA on an unbalanced panel data set, this paper empirically models the effects of franchise system size and degree of franchising on the level of lobbying intensity. Findings Since franchise systems are made up of differing unit ownership structure, the author first model if those systems that are fully franchised lobby less than those with franchisor unit ownership (supported). Next, since collective action theory predicts that more participants in a space will lead to less collective action, the author predict that franchise systems with larger unit counts will lobby less than those with smaller counts (not supported). Finally, the author test the interaction of these two effects as systems that are fully franchised and of higher unit totals should have an even greater negative relationship with political activity (supported). Originality/value This paper uses both a novel data set and a novel context to study collective action. Previous research has utilized an industry structure context to model the level of lobbying and collective action, while the current research uses an analogous logic, but in the context of franchise systems.


2005 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 847-868
Author(s):  
Michael Mac Neil

This paper reviews some of the options that unions have followed in the past, and details some of the types of political activities in which unions can presently engage. The focus is on various legal constraints that may hinder union political activity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 445
Author(s):  
Tedi Sudrajat ◽  
Sri Hartini

AbstractThe rise of legal issues on the involvement of civil servants in practical political activities shows that the regulation on civil servants was still not strong enough to prevent violations of neutrality principle in local elections. Based on that condition, this paper analyzes the legal reconstruction regarding the violation of civil servant neutrality and create appropriate mechanism dealing with the violation of neutrality principle. The study concluded that it is an urgently need to strengthen the role of government to handling violation of neutrality principle among relevant institutions’ which integrated.IntisariMaraknya persoalan hukum atas keterlibatan PNS dalam kegiatan politik praktis menunjukkan dengan jelas bahwa peraturan perundang-undangan di bidang kepegawaian masih belum cukup kuat untuk mencegah pelanggaran asas netralitas dalam pelaksanaan Pemilihan Umum di daerah. Atas hal tersebut, tulisan ini mengkaji tentang rekonstruksi hukum terhadap pelanggaran netralitas PNS dan membuat mekanisme yang sesuai dalam penanganan pelanggaran asas netralitas PNS. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa diperlukannya penguatan peran pemerintah untuk mengantisipasi pelanggaran dengan pembentukan pola penanganan pelanggaran netralitas antar lembaga yang terintegrasi.


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