scholarly journals SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR KOKHAN IN THE 1920-1960S

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 342-351
Author(s):  
Roman KOSTYSHYN
Keyword(s):  
Family Values ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Cultural Organizations ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Western Ukraine

The main directions of Volodymyr Kokhan's public and political activities in the 1920-1960s are analyzed through the prism of socio-political processes in the region. Attention is focused on the features of the formation of his worldview. V. Kokhan's expressive national and patriotic consciousness was based on family values and was laid down by educational and public institutions of Halychyna, which carried out active awareness-raising work among the Ukrainian people of the region. The politician's contribution to the activity of the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO) is considered, his circle of like-minded people is singled out, among them - the future leaders of the national-state parties and national-cultural organizations of Halychyna. While in the UMO during the national liberation struggle, the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919, he made considerable efforts to protect the national, cultural, and socio-political rights of Ukrainians in Halychyna. In the mid-1920s, as a member of the Ukrainian Party of National Labor (UPNR), he was one of the active supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDA). The well-known politician's organizational and political work is characterized; specific examples show the struggle of one of the Ukrainian national democracy leaders for raising the national consciousness of the Ukrainians of Halychyna. Through V. Kokhan's political biography's prism, the complex intertwining of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the period is shown. The parliamentary work of V. Kokhan in the highest legislative body of Poland is outlined. Since 1928, party activity became secondary for one of the leaders of the National Democrats, comparing to parliamentary work. Emphasis is placed on organizational achievements in the National Unity Front (NUF), in exile in Canada, as one of the leaders of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC). Keywords: Volodymyr Kokhan, socio-political activities, Western Ukraine, emigration.

scholarly journals SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH DURING NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE, 1918–1923

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 181-189
Author(s):  
Mariia SEREDIUK
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Cultural Organizations ◽  
Law Faculty ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes the features of the formation of the outlook and social and political activities of the well-known Galician politician Volodymyr Tselevych in the first third of the 20th century within the context of socio-political processes in the region. It is noted that after graduation from the rural and high school, he entered the Law Faculty of the Yan Kazimierz University of Lviv, where, since his student years, he was an activist of social and cultural life. As a member of the Ukrainian Student Union (UCS), the future leader of the National Democrats fought for the Ukrainian University in Lviv, took an active part in the work of the national democratic section of this student organization, where supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) rallied. Attention is drawn to politician's work in the Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), his work on the protection of national-cultural, socio-political rights of Ukrainians who were persecuted by the Polish authorities after the Polish-Ukrainian War of 1918–1919. The circle of his associates, among them - the future leaders of Galician national parties, national-cultural organizations of land was singled out. The author has demonstrated that V. Tselevych was among those who signed a statement of the Inter-Party Council on complete trust in the government of Ye. Petrushevych on January 22, 1922. He also knew about specifics of S. Fedak's attempt to J. Pilsudski, as well as to S. Tverdohlib. It is shown that in 1923–1924 he was in the United States and Canada, where he raised funds for the cultural, educational and socio-economic needs of Ukraine. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, ZUNR, Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), Polish-Ukrainian war, repression.

scholarly journals FROM INDEPENDISTS SLOGANS TO NORMALIZATION: THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH (1931–1939)

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 274-283
Author(s):  
Mariia SEREDIUK
Keyword(s):  
Work Organization ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Biography ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Deputy Chairman ◽  
Intensive Work

The author provides an analysis of the organizational and political work of a well-known figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO). Specific examples show the struggle of one of the leaders of Ukrainian national democracy for raising the national consciousness of Galician Ukrainians, establishing in the public mind the idea of ​​the unity and statehood of Ukrainian lands, and also highlight the contribution to the normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the 1930s. The study demonstrated that Volodymyr Tselevych not only joined the Central Committee of the Party, but was elected Secretary-General (1925–1928, 1932–1937), and later became Deputy Chairman (1928–1930, 1937–1939). The UNDO leader has made great efforts to rebuild UNDO county organizations, to rebuild the activities of the party centers in villages and the party movement in general. At numerous meetings, V. Tselevych explained the main political line of the party –- to acquire an independent unite Ukrainian state, called on members for intensive work, organization of county congresses and local elections of the party leadership. It has been found out that the UNDO II and III congresses unreservedly approved the political line and tactics of the organization, expressed confidence in D. Levitsky and V. Tselevych. However, in the first half of the 1930s, the party's tactics underwent a fundamental change – has evolved towards finding ways of understanding with the Polish authorities based on the idea of Western Ukraine's autonomy within Poland. This was evidenced by the IV People's Congress, which intensified intra-party confrontation. From the perspective of V. Tselevych's political biography, the author shows the complex combination of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the studied period. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, UNDO, Poland, social and political activity, normalization.

scholarly journals SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR KOKHAN IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DISCOURSE

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 177-188
Author(s):  
Roman KOSTYSHYN
Keyword(s):  
Election Campaign ◽  
Social Activities ◽  
World War ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The West ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
Complete Work ◽  
State Of Research

The state of research of socio-political activities of Volodymyr Kokhan by Ukrainian and Polish scholars - a well-known Ukrainian politician, ambassador (deputy) to the Polish Sejm, public figure - was analyzed. The research, mostly memoir, partially covers the following issues: V. Kokhan's participation in World War І, the establishment of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (WUNR); membership in the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO), the Ukrainian Party of National Labor (UPNL); social activities; the 1928 election campaign and parliamentary activities; organizational activities in the National Unity Front (NUF); emigration work in Canada. A complete work devoted to the life of V. Kokhan is the article by Stepan Volynets "Volodymyr Kokhan", in the collection of articles "Peredvisnyky i tvortsi Lystopadovoho zryvu. Zakhidno-ukrainski hromadski i politychni diiachi". Little-known facts of public and political activities are covered in numerous editions: historical and memoir collections "Nadbuzhanshchyna: Sokalshchyna, Belzchyna, Radekhivshchyna, Kaminechchyna, Kholmshchyna i Pidliashshia"; the collection of works and materials "Dmytro Paliiv. Zhyttia i diialnist". In modern Ukrainian historiography, a politician's activity is partially revealed in the scientific explorations of Mykola Kuhutiak, Ihor Soliar, Mykhailo Shvahuliak, and others. In the contemporary Polish historiography highlighted the works by Ryszard Torzecki and Ryszard Tomczyk, which briefly reveal the activities of a well-known politician in the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDA) and the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation (UPR). It was noted that in Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the 1920s and 1930s of V. Kokhan's life are most fully analyzed: his contribution to the activities of cooperative, educational and sports public organizations of Sokal region; the evolution of political activities (from UPNL to NUF), relations with then politicians. The 1940s and 1960s of V. Kokhan's social activities remain little studied. Keywords Volodymyr Kokhan, socio-political activities, UNDA, NUF, historiography.

Don’t hatch the messenger? On the desirability of restricting the political activity of bureaucrats

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi
Keyword(s):  
Welfare Analysis ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Active Part ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Voter Perceptions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Workers

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.

An Analysis of Political Rights Situation during Musharraf Regime (1999-2004)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Manzoor Naazer ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Shughla Ashfaq
Keyword(s):  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Meaningful Change ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Government

The paper scrutinizes the political rights situation during the first five years (1999-2004) of Pervaiz Musharraf era. Musharraf had come into power after army had revolted over his dismissal as army chief by the prime minister. He strove to project soft image of his government to get legitimacy within the country and recognition from the outside world, particularly the West. He portrayed himself as a liberal leader and later also propagated his idea of “enlightened moderation” as a panacea for the miseries of the Muslim world. Despite his overtures, the political rights situation became bleak during his military rule and no meaningful change took place even during the first two years after country returned to “democratic rule.” Musharraf government denied people of their political rights to prolong his authoritarian rule. His rule was characterized by: arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of political leaders; repression of political activities; imposition of forced exile; political victimization in the name of accountability; attacks on rights to elect the government; military’s direct grip over affairs of state despite transition to the civilian rule; intimidation of opposition over legal framework order; and limitations on freedom of association.

Turkey’s failed coup as an ‘ongoing media event’ and the formation of public affect

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ergin Bulut ◽  
Başak Can
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Work ◽  
Television Shows ◽  
The Media ◽  
Pedagogical Relationship ◽  
Media Event ◽  
Coup Attempt

Following the coup attempt in Turkey, former Gulenists made appearances on various television channels and disclosed intimate and spectacular information regarding their past activities. We ask: what is the political work of these televised disclosures? In answering this question, we situate the coup within the media event literature and examine the intimate work of these televised disclosures performed as part of a media event. The disclosures we examine were extremely spectacular statements that worked to reconstruct a highly divided and polarized society through an intimate language. Consequently, these television performances had two functions: ideological and affective. First, these disclosures and television shows chose to foreground sensation and therefore mystified the illegal networks that historically prepared the coup. Second, using a language of regret and apology, these disclosures aimed to teach the audience how to be purified and good citizens through a mediated, pedagogical relationship. Within the vulnerable context of a hegemonic crisis, these disclosures intended to form their own publics where citizens were invited to sympathize with those who made mistakes in the past, ultimately aiming to create national unity and reconciliation.

Re Review of Constitutionality of Section 1 of Article 6.21 of the Administrative Offences Code of the Russian Federation

2021 ◽  
Vol 194 ◽  
pp. 503-530
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
Sexual Exploitation ◽  
Family Values ◽  
European Convention ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Traditional Family ◽  
Russian Constitution ◽  
Traditional Family Values

503Relationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950 — Role of European Court of Human Rights — Judgments of European Court of Human Rights and Russian Constitutional Court — Whether interdependent — Resolution in case of conflicting judgments — Supremacy of Russian law — Russian Constitution — Section 1 of Article 6.21 of Russian Administrative Offences Code — Whether compatible with Russian ConstitutionRelationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — International instruments — Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950 — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — Rights and duties — Rights of freedom of expression — Restrictions on rights — Whether necessary in democratic society — Public health and morals — Moral values — Relevance — Russian Constitution — Article 15(4) of Constitution — International law an integral part of Russian legal system — Implementation of international provisions — Constitutional recognition of traditional family values in Russian society — Respect for dignity of others and Russian morality — Prohibition of propaganda arousing hatred — Article 29(2) of Russian Constitution — Traditional family values in Russian society — Role of family — Russia’s legislative approach — Whether conforming with Russian Constitution — Whether contradicting International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 or European Convention on Human Rights, 1950 — Section 1 of Article 6.21 of Russian Administrative Offences Code — Whether compatible with Russian ConstitutionRelationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 — Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse, 2007 — Rights of children — Traditional family values in Russian society — Russian Constitution — Protection of children from sexual exploitation and abuse — Dissemination of information related to sexual self-determination — Whether information damaging to health and development of children — Whether Russia obliged to create conditions for propaganda, support and recognition of same sex union under Constitution or international law — Section 1 of Article 6.21 of Russian Administrative Offences Code — Whether compatible with Russian Constitution504International tribunals — European Court of Human Rights — Jurisdiction — Whether Court having competence to review conformity of Russian legislation with European Convention on Human Rights, 1950 — Constitutional requirement to exhaust domestic remedies before appealing to interstate bodies for human rights protection — Article 46 of Russian Constitution — Judgments of European Court of Human Rights and Russian Constitutional Court — Whether interdependent — Resolution in case of conflicting judgments — Section 1 of Article 6.21 of Russian Administrative Offences Code — Whether compatible with Russian ConstitutionHuman rights — Prohibition on discrimination — Equality of all persons — Human dignity — Right to private life — Freedom of speech — Sexual self-determination — Sexual discrimination — Right to disseminate information related to sexual self-determination — Whether exercise of right violating rights of others — Rights of minors — Balancing of rights — Moral values — Relevance — Whether public activity unconditionally lawful under Russian Constitution — Approach under international instruments — Duties and restrictions — Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 — European Convention on Human Rights, 1950 — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — Articles 13, 17, 19, 29 and 55 of Russian Constitution — Traditional family values in Russian society — Role of family — Russia’s legislative approach — Whether conforming to Russian Constitution — Whether contradicting International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 or European Convention on Human Rights, 1950 — Section 1 of Article 6.21 of Russian Administrative Offences Code — Whether compatible with Russian ConstitutionHuman rights — Rights of children — Traditional family values in Russian society — Russian Constitution — Protection of children from sexual exploitation and abuse — United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 — Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse, 2007 — Dissemination of information related to sexual self-determination — Whether information damaging to health and development of children — Whether Russia obliged to create conditions for propaganda, support and recognition of same sex union under Constitution or international law — Section 1 of Article 6.21 of Russian Administrative Offences Code — Whether compatible with Russian Constitution — The law of the Russian Federation

The Right to Anonymity in Political Activities

2013 ◽  
pp. 202-220
Author(s):  
Knut Fournier
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right To Privacy ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right To Privacy ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Value

The complexity of the right to privacy is particularly striking when the issues at stake are, ultimately, other political rights and freedoms such as the right to free speech and the right of association. The surveillance of individuals and groups by the state has strong political consequences: the surveillance of political activities re-defines what the private sphere is, and displaces its limits, in a context in which more information is becoming available to the public. Multiple recent developments, exemplified by the role of the right to privacy in movies, exacerbated the tensions between Europe and the United States over the notion of privacy. The future EU data protection laws will create a right to be forgotten, whose political value is still unknown.

scholarly journals ‘Mirrored in God’: Gramsci, Religion and Dalit Women Subalterns in South India

Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 666
Author(s):  
Karin Kapadia
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
South India ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
Dalit Women ◽  
Cultural Movements

The Tamil Dalit Pentecostal conversion movement that has been active in Chennai’s slums and low-income settlements for the last four decades is also a political movement. It is, moreover, a women’s political movement. Normally both Dalits and women are ignored in India, they are considered people of no importance and irrelevant to the issues that grab the headlines. But it is important for us to recognize both the political nature and the importance of this Dalit women’s conversion movement, because we are at a time of great peril in India, where, as elsewhere, populist nationalism has swept an authoritarian leader to power and the fascist tendencies of an overbearing state are becoming increasingly obvious. In such a context Gramsci’s theorizations provide important suggestions for how to understand religio-cultural movements as political movements and how to evaluate both their importance and what they can teach us about the possibilities for religio-cultural-political resistance to authoritarian populism, and the crucial importance of low-income, low-status women in political processes of grassroots resistance.

scholarly journals The politics of sensemaking and sensegiving at work

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathrine Filstad
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Middle Managers ◽  
Middle Management ◽  
Top Management ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Top Managers ◽  
New Knowledge ◽  
Depth Interviews

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to investigate how political activities and processes influence sensemaking and sensegiving among top management, middle management and employees and to examine its consequences for implementing new knowledge. Design/methodology/approach – Data were collected in a Norwegian bank using in-depth interviews with middle managers and financial advisers. Observations of meetings, informal conversations and verbatim notes were also used in data collection among top managers. A practice-based approach was used as an analytical lens. Findings – Top managers' political activities of excluding others from the decision process affect their sensemaking and resulted in sensegiving contradictions between spoken intent and how to change practice. Middle managers' political activities were to accept top managers' sensegiving instead of managing themselves in their own sensemaking to help financial advisers with how to change their role and practice. As a result, middle managers' sensemaking affects their engagement in sensegiving. For financial advisers, the political processes of top and middle managers resulted in resistance and not making sense of how to change and implement new knowledge. Research limitations/implications – A total of 30 in-depth interviews, observations of five meetings and informal conversations might call for further studies. In addition, a Norwegian study does not account for other countries' cultural differences concerning leadership style, openness in decisions and employee autonomy. Originality/value – To the author's knowledge, no studies identify the three-way conceptual relationship between political activities, sensemaking and sensegiving. In addition, the author believes that the originality lies in investigating these relationships using a three-level hierarchy of top management, middle management and employees.

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