War and Trade : The Relationship between Houjin and Joseon, which Appeared in the Reorganization of International Order in Northeast Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Ji Won Yu ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northeast Asia ◽  
International Order ◽  
The Relationship

Historical Foundations, Strategic Visions, and World Order

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 1 explores perspectives on world order, including power relationships and the rules that shape state behavior and perceptions of legitimacy. After outlining a brief history of the relationship between Russia and China that ranged from cooperation to military clashes, the chapter details Chinese and Russian perspectives on the contemporary international order as shaped by their histories and current political situation. Chinese and Russian views largely coincide on security issues, the desirability of a more multipolar order, and institutions that would enhance their standing in the world. While the Chinese–Russian partnership has accelerated considerably, particularly since the crisis in Ukraine in 2014, there are still some areas of competition that limit the extent of the relationship.

scholarly journals The Chloroplast Phylogenomics and Systematics of Zoysia (Poaceae)

Plants ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (8) ◽  
pp. 1517
Author(s):  
Se-Hwan Cheon ◽  
Min-Ah Woo ◽  
Sangjin Jo ◽  
Young-Kee Kim ◽  
Ki-Joong Kim
Keyword(s):  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Single Copy ◽  
Rrna Genes ◽  
Bootstrap Support ◽  
Trna Genes ◽  
Protein Coding ◽  
Tropical Regions ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Simple Sequence

The genus Zoysia Willd. (Chloridoideae) is widely distributed from the temperate regions of Northeast Asia—including China, Japan, and Korea—to the tropical regions of Southeast Asia. Among these, four species—Zoysia japonica Steud., Zoysia sinica Hance, Zoysia tenuifolia Thiele, and Zoysia macrostachya Franch. & Sav.—are naturally distributed in the Korean Peninsula. In this study, we report the complete plastome sequences of these Korean Zoysia species (NCBI acc. nos. MF953592, MF967579~MF967581). The length of Zoysia plastomes ranges from 135,854 to 135,904 bp, and the plastomes have a typical quadripartite structure, which consists of a pair of inverted repeat regions (20,962~20,966 bp) separated by a large (81,348~81,392 bp) and a small (12,582~12,586 bp) single-copy region. In terms of gene order and structure, Zoysia plastomes are similar to the typical plastomes of Poaceae. The plastomes encode 110 genes, of which 76 are protein-coding genes, 30 are tRNA genes, and four are rRNA genes. Fourteen genes contain single introns and one gene has two introns. Three evolutionary hotspot spacer regions—atpB~rbcL, rps16~rps3, and rpl32~trnL-UAG—were recognized among six analyzed Zoysia species. The high divergences in the atpB~rbcL spacer and rpl16~rpl3 region are primarily due to the differences in base substitutions and indels. In contrast, the high divergence between rpl32~trnL-UAG spacers is due to a small inversion with a pair of 22 bp stem and an 11 bp loop. Simple sequence repeats (SSRs) were identified in 59 different locations in Z. japonica, 63 in Z. sinica, 62 in Z. macrostachya, and 63 in Z. tenuifolia plastomes. Phylogenetic analysis showed that the Zoysia (Zoysiinae) forms a monophyletic group, which is sister to Sporobolus (Sporobolinae), with 100% bootstrap support. Within the Zoysia clade, the relationship of (Z. sinica, Z japonica), (Z. tenuifolia, Z. matrella), (Z. macrostachya, Z. macrantha) was suggested.

How Hegemonic Orders Unravel

2020 ◽  
pp. 54-79
Author(s):  
Alexander Cooley ◽  
Daniel Nexon
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
International Order ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Soviet System ◽  
World War ◽  
System P ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Power Transitions

This chapter identifies three drivers of hegemonic unraveling and transformation in international orders: great-power contestation and alternative order building; how the dominant power’s loss of its “patronage monopoly” enhances the bargaining leverage of weaker states; and the rise of counter-order movements, especially transnational ones, that weaken support for existing international arrangements—sometimes within the leading power itself. Because analysts tend to focus their attention on the relationship between power transitions and great-power wars, they have only recently begun to appreciate the significance of these three processes. This chapter shows that these challenges—from above, below, and within—played a key role in past power transitions and transformations in international order, including the decline of Spanish hegemony, challenges to British hegemony before World War I, the rise of fascism and Bolshevism during the interwar period, decolonization, and the collapse of the Soviet system.

Diplomacy and War

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Weiner ◽  
Paul Sharp
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Order ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Military Diplomacy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Scholars acknowledge that there is a close connection between diplomacy and war, but they disagree with regard to the character of this connection—what it is and what it ought to be. In general, diplomacy and war are assumed to be antagonistic and polar opposites. In contrast, the present diplomatic system is founded on the view that state interests may be pursued, international order maintained, and changes effected in it by both diplomacy and war as two faces of a single statecraft. To understand the relationships between diplomacy and war, we must look at the development of the contemporary state system and the evolution of warfare and diplomacy within it. In this context, one important claim is that the foundations of international organizations in general, and the League of Nations in particular, rest on a critique of modern (or “old”) diplomacy. For much of the Cold War, the intellectual currents favored the idea of avoiding nuclear war to gain advantage. In the post-Cold War era, the relationship between diplomacy and war remained essentially the same, with concepts such as “humanitarian intervention” and “military diplomacy” capturing the idea of a new international order. The shocks to the international system caused by events between the terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001 and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 have intensified the paradoxes of the relationship between diplomacy and war.

Domestic courts, transnational law, and international order

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 184-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filiz Kahraman ◽  
Nikhil Kalyanpur ◽  
Abraham L. Newman
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
International Order ◽  
International Diffusion ◽  
Conflict And Cooperation ◽  
Transnational Law ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Domestic Courts ◽  
The Relationship

This article revisits the relationship between law and international order. Building on legal research concerned with transnational law, we argue that domestic courts are endogenous sites of international political change. National courts are constitutive of international order by generating new rules, adjudicating transnational disputes, and bounding state sovereignty. We illustrate the ways in which national courts create new political opportunities by updating three core international relations theory debates. Recognizing the role of domestic courts as global adjudicators enhances our understanding of regime complexity and international forum shopping. By re-interpreting aspects of conventional international law, and engaging in cross-border dialogue, domestic courts challenge our understanding of international diffusion and judicialization. By redefining the boundaries of state authority and sovereignty, national courts create potential for conflict and cooperation. A transnational law perspective illustrates the porous nature between domestic and international spheres, highlighting how domestic courts have become adjudicators for state and non-state actors that operate across mainstream levels of analysis. Our approach calls on scholars to move beyond analyzing national legal systems as mechanisms of compliance to instead consider domestic courts as co-creators of international order.

scholarly journals Geopolitical Situation in Northeast Asia: Development of Sino-Russian Relations

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-459
Author(s):  
Mohamad Zreik
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Economic Openness ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Far East ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
The World ◽  
Good Relation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Historic Background

The purpose of this paper is to explore the nature and characteristics of Sino-Russian relations since 1640 where diplomatic and commercial relations were established in the far east of Siberia. A historic background will be given, in order to highlight the real reasons behind this good relation that is turning into an alliance. The paper will shed the light on important events and dates that occurred in this relation, such as the year 1858, which had disputes on the border. The author shows that the relations between China and Russia have been faced with twists and turns since its beginnings because of geographical, cultural, historical and political interdependence. This paper analyses the relationship between Russia and China in the light of international political changes as the world enters a new stage of international order, especially after the decline of US influence and China's announcement of its One Belt One Road initiative (OBOR) and its political, cultural and economic openness to the world.

A Plea for Restraint

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Ruzicka
Keyword(s):  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Nuclear Proliferation ◽  
International Order ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
World Government ◽  
Complete Destruction ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

This essay reconstructs Hedley Bull’s position on nuclear proliferation in The Anarchical Society. Avoiding the extremes of nuclear optimism and pessimism, Bull provided nuanced arguments about the relationship between nuclear proliferation and international order. Bull remained agnostic as to what the world of many nuclear powers would look like. He used this unpredictability to emphasize the notion of restraint involving both superpower cooperation to prevent states from going nuclear as well as the exercise of self-restraint on the part of superpowers. Showing restraint was crucial to the continued existence of the states system. Bull worried that proliferation represented a particular threat to it. Nuclear weapons exposed states to the prospect of sudden and complete destruction. This could lead to the abolition of the state system and its replacement with world government, to which Bull was strongly opposed. The conclusion illustrates Bull’s relevance in relation to the recent pursuit of non-proliferation.

China and Japan

2020 ◽  
pp. 17-52
Author(s):  
Barry Buzan ◽  
Evelyn Goh
Keyword(s):  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Historical Perspectives ◽  
Cultural Roots ◽  
Global Power ◽  
China And Japan ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 1 explores how deeply connected, and in many ways similar, China and Japan are. Part of this involves their shared cultural roots, but a world historical perspective on Northeast Asia also shows how Japan and China have often followed similar trajectories, albeit sometimes at different times, in their attempts to come to terms with their regions, modernity, and the Western-dominated global power structure. Their similarity makes their mutual alienation something of a puzzle, not least because there are other, potentially more constructive ways of seeing the relationship between the two than that embodied in the history problem perspective. There are opportunities as well as problems in the shared histories of China and Japan. If the relationship between China and Japan is in some important ways defined by the narcissism of small differences, then the key to changing it is to change the historical perspectives that support such a view.

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