scholarly journals Two antiquities – one policy: the «tribute of dorpat» and the «tribute of kazan» in Russian diplomacy and historical thought in 1550–60s

Author(s):  
Philip D. Podberezkin

In the beginning of 1550s the diplomats of Russian Tsar Ivan IV for the first time used the legend about «Kazan tribute» and «Dorpat tribute» to justify the historical rule over Kazan and German Livonia. The story about «Kazan tribute» was firstly mainstreamed during the reign of Ivan IV; however, the «Dorpat tribute» was mentioned in the Russian-Livonian treaties of 15th century – its origin is still unknown. For the first time in historiography this article compares two stories. The author examines the sources of both legends, their author, the role in the justification of the continuity between the ancient Rus’ of Rurikovichi and Moscow Russia of Ivan IV, the relation between the terms «otchina» (paternity), «dan’» (tribute), «zemlya» (land). Since the 1470s Moscow began to rethink the tribute relationships, that had been established in Mongol-Turk political space. This resulted in an attempt to stop the payments for the Chan of Crimea (1473) and to demand the tribute from the Bishop of Dorpat (Russian Yuryev, 1474). Based on the Text of «Primary chronicle» the Russian intellectuals claimed the identity of Volga Bulgaria and Kazan, ancient Russian Yuryev and German Dorpat in the text of Nikon Chronicle. The main criterion for the hereditary rule over the territory was «zemlya» (land) as the political category, regardless of the ethnicity and religion of its population. The author concludes that the courtier Alexey Adashev edited the story about «Dorpat tribute» following the example of «Kazan tribute» story. Thus, there is a direct intertextual dependence between the two stories.

Author(s):  
Igor Alekseevich Ksenofontov

The subject of this research is the political relations that developed between the Czech national politicians of Bohemia and the French diplomatic mission in Austria-Hungary in the early 1870s. Analysis is conducted on the initial stage of Czech political Francophilism. The article employs the historical-genetic method that allows tracing the establishment and development of the indicated ties. Comparative-historical method is used for describing the specificity and important aspects of the Czech-French contacts of the early 1870s in relation to 1860s, as well as on the background of parallel Czech-Russian relations. The novelty is defined by the fact that this topic, namely the Czech political Francophilism, has not been previously covered within the Russian historiography. The main conclusion lies in the thesis that in the early 1870s Czech politicians and French diplomats manifested equal and mutual interest for the first time. Both parties pursued to exert pressure on Vienna: the French – to entice over the Third Republic in the conflict with Prussia, and the Czechs – to force change the status of the Czech lands in the monarchy. The analysis demonstrates that the Czech politicians were exceedingly pragmatic: if in the end of 1870 they openly supported France, then in the beginning of 1871 they have ignored the initiatives of French diplomats. This is substantiated by the potentially successful negotiations with the imperial center. Moreover, the political Francophilism suggested the desire of the Czechs to show the strategic (economic, political, and cultural) significance of the lands of the Czech Crown not only in Austria-Hungary, but also in the European space.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Luque-Ayala ◽  
Flávia Neves Maia

This article examines the mobilisation of spatial media technologies for digitally mapping informal settlements. It argues that digital mapping operates politically through a re-configuration of circulation, power, and territorial formations. Drawing on Stuart Elden’s understanding of territory, where space is ‘rendered’ as a political category, the coming together of digital mapping and the geoweb is uncovered as a political technique re-making territory through computational logics – operating as a calculative practice that, beyond simply representing space, is productive of the political spatiality that characterises territory. The article is based on an analysis of recent attempts by ICT corporates, particularly Google, to map favelas in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, critically examining the claim that digitally mapping informal settlements is a mechanism for socio-economic inclusion. Providing a counterargument to claims around the power of digital maps to incorporate favelas, provide recognition, legitimacy, visibility and citizenship, we discuss how in the interface between digital and urban worlds, territory as a political space is constructed through economic incorporation. In doing so, the article unpacks the spatial politics of digital and smart urbanisms and the emerging sovereignties of digital territories, particularly in the context of the tension between inclusion and exclusion experienced by those who live in informal settlements in cities in the global South.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-422
Author(s):  
Khizri G. Alibekov ◽  

At the end of the first third of the 15th century, a prominent representative of the Muslim elite, a sayyid and theologian from Yemen, Ahmad al-Yamani (died in 1450), arrived in Dagestan and stopped in Kumukh, one of the major political centers of Mountainous Dagestan. He devoted the last two decades of his life to the spread and strengthening of Islam among the highlanders. Since that time, Kumukh turned into a large Muslim center and the “internal” Islamization of the mountain tribes began. The result of all this activity in Kumukh was that almost all of Dagestan was islamized by the end of 16th century. Researchers have presented different versions of Ahmad al-Yamani’s arrival in Dagestan. The version that he arrived in Dagestan on behalf of the Abbasid Caliph in Cairo to Islamize the non-Muslim peoples of Dagestan was considered the most widespread in the academic environment. A unique manuscript of the 15th century, which was recently discovered, belonging to the pen of al-Yamani, called “At-Tuhfa al-Ulugbekiyya / Ulugbek’s gift”, contains new valuable material about the life of al-Yamani. He wrote it as a gift for Ulugbek (the ruler of Maverannahr and Shahrukh’s son), while he was in the Timurid emirate. The manuscript’s material was translated by the author and introduced into scientific use for the first time. The studied material, as well as other Arabic-language sources of the 15th — 19th centuries, allow us to assert that al-Yamani’s arrival was inspired by Shahrukh, and the mission was not only Islamization, but also strengthening and extending Timurids’ positions in the Western Caspian region, which was one of the political and military interests of the Timurids’ opponents — the Kara-Koyunlu Turkoman confederation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-113
Author(s):  
Hafid Setiadi

Discussion of Islamization is not only associated with the spread of religious values but also related to the activity of trade and the opening of the new lands. In Java, all three of these themes had occurred simultaneously and then experienced rapid development since the 15th century. In the 15th century until the 17th, many Islamic kingdoms raised and fell by turns with any ideology and their economic and political motives. As a result, Java experienced a complex of territorialization. By a spatial-historical approach, this article shows how territorialization affects the fashion of the emergence and collapse of the cities in Java. The spatial dynamics of urban growth reflected changes in political space production, which run by each ruling actor. The city played a significant role as a symbol and an identity of the political power of the dominant regime.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-185
Author(s):  
Mehmet Asutay

This is a book version of Kansu's doctoral thesis, in which his objective"was to show [the political] transformation [in the beginning of thecentury]-however elusive- by re-telling the political history of modemTurkey in a radically different fashion" (p. ix). He states that this radicalapproach is based on an '"historical' viewpoint [which is) opposed to a'political' one"(p. ix).In order to show his radical re-telling of the political transformation of theOttoman Empire in the beginning of the previous century, the bookcommences with a critical but analytical and enjoyable chapter on Turkishhistoriography by making special emphasis on the interpretation of theRevolution of 1908. In doing so, Kansu summarises the attitudes of theTurkish academics and intellectuals towards the interpretation of recentTurkish history. This in tum is an attempt to clarify his ideological standas regards the Kemalist revolution of 1923 and the Young Turks.The first concept the reader encounters with the first chapter is'Revolution'. For Kansu the year 1908 is the most crucial year in modemTurkish history, "because a new era opens before the Turkish socialformation through a genuine revolutionary movement. 1908 is thebeginning of the establishment -for the first time in modem Turkishhistory- a constitutional monarchical form of government whichlegitimates itself on the presence of a representative parliament to which itis totally responsible" (p. l). It has to be stated that while the "genuinerevolutionary character" of the constitutional movement is open to question,Ottomans had the first parliamentary political structure not in 1908 butin 1876, albeit it lived only a short while due to Abdulhamid H's politicalambitions and, one has to accept, it was not as strong as the 1908experience in its representation. However, Kansu claims that it was the ...


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
YAEL DARR

This article describes a crucial and fundamental stage in the transformation of Hebrew children's literature, during the late 1930s and 1940s, from a single channel of expression to a multi-layered polyphony of models and voices. It claims that for the first time in the history of Hebrew children's literature there took place a doctrinal confrontation between two groups of taste-makers. The article outlines the pedagogical and ideological designs of traditionalist Zionist educators, and suggests how these were challenged by a group of prominent writers of adult poetry, members of the Modernist movement. These writers, it is argued, advocated autonomous literary creation, and insisted on a high level of literary quality. Their intervention not only dramatically changed the repertoire of Hebrew children's literature, but also the rules of literary discourse. The article suggests that, through the Modernists’ polemical efforts, Hebrew children's literature was able to free itself from its position as an apparatus controlled by the political-educational system and to become a dynamic and multi-layered field.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Virginie Collombier

Beyond the relative opening of the political system that characterized 2005 in Egypt — with the President being elected directly for the first time and the increased competition allowed during legislative elections — the 2005 elections also constituted an opportunity to consider and evaluate the internal struggles for influence under way within the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). In a context largely influenced by the perspective of President Husni Mubarak's succession and by calls for reform coming from both internal and external actors, changes currently occurring at the party level may have a decisive impact on the future of the Egyptian regime.


Author(s):  
Валерия Игоревна Семенова

В данной статье автором рассматриваются особенности восприятия и понимания нетрадиционной религиозности, возможности диалога традиционных и нетрадиционных религий, перспективы их взаимоотношений, намечаются пути разрешения возможных конфликтов между ними. Особое внимание уделяется функционированию нетрадиционных религий в политическом пространстве, отношению к ним государства. In this article, the author examines the peculiarities of perception and understanding of non-traditional religiosity, the possibility of dialogue between traditional and non-traditional religions, the prospects for their relationship, and outlines ways to resolve possible conflicts between them. Special attention is paid to the functioning of non-traditional religions in the political space and the attitude of the state to them.


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