scholarly journals Czech-French political contacts in the early 1870s

Author(s):  
Igor Alekseevich Ksenofontov

The subject of this research is the political relations that developed between the Czech national politicians of Bohemia and the French diplomatic mission in Austria-Hungary in the early 1870s. Analysis is conducted on the initial stage of Czech political Francophilism. The article employs the historical-genetic method that allows tracing the establishment and development of the indicated ties. Comparative-historical method is used for describing the specificity and important aspects of the Czech-French contacts of the early 1870s in relation to 1860s, as well as on the background of parallel Czech-Russian relations. The novelty is defined by the fact that this topic, namely the Czech political Francophilism, has not been previously covered within the Russian historiography. The main conclusion lies in the thesis that in the early 1870s Czech politicians and French diplomats manifested equal and mutual interest for the first time. Both parties pursued to exert pressure on Vienna: the French – to entice over the Third Republic in the conflict with Prussia, and the Czechs – to force change the status of the Czech lands in the monarchy. The analysis demonstrates that the Czech politicians were exceedingly pragmatic: if in the end of 1870 they openly supported France, then in the beginning of 1871 they have ignored the initiatives of French diplomats. This is substantiated by the potentially successful negotiations with the imperial center. Moreover, the political Francophilism suggested the desire of the Czechs to show the strategic (economic, political, and cultural) significance of the lands of the Czech Crown not only in Austria-Hungary, but also in the European space.

Author(s):  
Vladimir Il'ich Shubin

This article is dedicated to examination of the history of emergence of Greek mercenaries during the riling time of XXVI Sais Dynasty. The author reviews the status and role of Greek mercenaries in the armed forced of Sais rulers, organization of their service and living conditions. Considering the fact that the use of Greek mercenaries in Egypt army was a part of the traditional policy of Sais rulers and carried mass character, the author refers to the problem  of social origin of the phenomenon of mercenarism in the Greek society of Archaic era. The research applies comparative-historical method that allows viewing the phenomenon of mercenarism in the historical context – based on the comparative data analysis of ancient written tradition. By the time of Sais Dynasty, control over regions that traditionally provided mercenaries to the Egypt army was lost. Under the circumstances, in order to compensate such losses, Egypt conscripted into military service the hailed from the Greek world. Mercenaries became the first Greeks settled on the Egyptian land. The conclusion is made that the Greek colonization, in absence of other ways to enter the formerly closed to the Greeks Egypt, at its initial stage manifested in such distinct form.


Author(s):  
Philip D. Podberezkin

In the beginning of 1550s the diplomats of Russian Tsar Ivan IV for the first time used the legend about «Kazan tribute» and «Dorpat tribute» to justify the historical rule over Kazan and German Livonia. The story about «Kazan tribute» was firstly mainstreamed during the reign of Ivan IV; however, the «Dorpat tribute» was mentioned in the Russian-Livonian treaties of 15th century – its origin is still unknown. For the first time in historiography this article compares two stories. The author examines the sources of both legends, their author, the role in the justification of the continuity between the ancient Rus’ of Rurikovichi and Moscow Russia of Ivan IV, the relation between the terms «otchina» (paternity), «dan’» (tribute), «zemlya» (land). Since the 1470s Moscow began to rethink the tribute relationships, that had been established in Mongol-Turk political space. This resulted in an attempt to stop the payments for the Chan of Crimea (1473) and to demand the tribute from the Bishop of Dorpat (Russian Yuryev, 1474). Based on the Text of «Primary chronicle» the Russian intellectuals claimed the identity of Volga Bulgaria and Kazan, ancient Russian Yuryev and German Dorpat in the text of Nikon Chronicle. The main criterion for the hereditary rule over the territory was «zemlya» (land) as the political category, regardless of the ethnicity and religion of its population. The author concludes that the courtier Alexey Adashev edited the story about «Dorpat tribute» following the example of «Kazan tribute» story. Thus, there is a direct intertextual dependence between the two stories.


Author(s):  
Sheldon S. Wolin

Tocqueville claimed that American democracy had eliminated the causes of revolution. He believed that the revolutionary impulse would wither because for the first time in Western history the masses of ordinary human beings had a tangible stake in defending the status quo. This chapter, however, asks, is it right for the democratic citizen to undertake revolutionary action when the political system retains some of the formal features of democracy but is clearly embarked on a course that is progressively antidemocratic without being crudely repressive? What are the precise ways in which a system that is formally democratic conceals its antidemocratic tendencies? Are pseudo-democratic substitutes introduced that create the illusion of democracy? Was the idea of a democratic citizen partially skewed at the outset so that its development in America was truncated? And, finally, does it make sense even to discuss the possibility of revolution under the circumstances of an advanced, complex society? In what terms would it make sense to talk of revolution today—what would revolutionary action by democratic citizens be?


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Sohail Akhtar ◽  
Abdul Razaq

Allah Almighty sent Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) as the last Prophet for the guidance of humanity. But sent Him as a model for human being in all discipline of life. The life of the prophet was a real example for the entire mankind in the all discipline of life. Whether he is a teacher or as a commander, as a ruler or as a head of the family, as a preacher or as a judge, no one seems second to you. In the same way, like other matters, he also gave guidance in political matters. For the first time in human history, truth was made a part of politics. The Prophet (peace be upon him) is the only person in history whose every action has been considered as the source of growth and guidance for humanity. Not only is there an example for people in every aspect of the Prophet's life, but the secret of success lies in following him. Like other aspects of life, where the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) has the status of a king and a general and a conqueror, he is the founder of an Islamic state. As the ruler of the state of Madinah, the Prophet (Peace Be Upon Him) used all the political strategies necessary for the management and administration of the state. This research paper highlights the political tactics and strategy of the Prophet (peace be upon him) as world best politician.


Author(s):  
V. V. Vorobiev

The article studies the political development of the country in the modern period. Special attention is paid to the position of the army and its role in the Pakistani society. The article explores in detail the processes of gradual distancing of the army from politics and strengthening of civil society institutions. It is the first time in the Pakistani history that the civilian government managed to complete its full five-year constitutional term. Meanwhile, the country has been advancing on the path to democracy even after the elections 2013: a new civilian government has been formed in Pakistan. As compared with the previous phases of the country's development, the status of the army has considerably changed, evolved from "guiding force" to "shadow" guarantee of democratic development. The process has been largely encouraged by popular among officers feeling of tiredness: many of them are not ready to take power into their own hands and committed to their strictly constitutional duties. Despite this recent positive trend, the army continues to enjoy great authority in the society, often brokers political crisis and helps civilian authorities in settling such pressing problems as, for example, fight against extremism. The military will exert influence on government unless civil authorities are able to resist the current challenges and settle the actual problems. The role of "power broker" fully serves the interests of the top army brass.


The article analyzes topical issues of the Rus’-Mongolian relations of the times of King of Rus’ Danylo Romanovich. The consideration of the discussion aspects of political relations between Rus’ and the Golden Horde in the historiography is analyzed. It is concluded that the impression made by the Mongols on young Prince Danylo during the Battle on the Kalka River prompted him to engage in reforming his own army borrowing from Mongolian tactics and weapons. The establishment of the power of the Galician-Volyn ruler in Kyiv in 1239 caused the Mongol conquerors to seize not only the ancient capital of Rus’, but also the towns Volodymyr and Galich. Danylo Romanovich’s attempts to organize a joint struggle with the Hungarians and Poles against mongols in the 1240s and 1241s failed. Despite the fact that the campaigns of the Mongol troops caused great losses, we consider the hypothesis of the complete desolation of the Rus’ Land to be obsolete and unsubstantiated. At the same time Bolokhivshchyna and Pereyaslavshchyna were under the direct authority of Mongolian officials. Instead, the dependence of the Galich and Volyn lands on the Mongols was nominal because the Romanoviches continued to pursue independent domestic and foreign policies. Danylo’s status as a “mirnik” of Khan Batu facilitated a political alliance with the Hungarian King Bela IV. The political agreement of Danylo Romanovich with Andriy Yaroslavovich caused a sharp negative reaction in the Mongols. After the victory of Nevruy over the Prince of Vladimir-Suzdal in 1252 against Danylo Kuremsa began military action. However, due to the decisive actions of Romanoviches Kuremsa was repeatedly defeated. The confirmation of Danylo Romanovich’s sovereign status was his coronation in the second half of 1253. The last stage of the relations of King of Rus’ Danylo Romanovich with the Mongols took place in the late 50’s – early 60’s of the XIII century. Burundai was able not only to destroy Danyl’s alliance with Lithuania, but also to restore Khan’s dominion over Romanovich’s possessions. It is important to emphasize that Romanovichi remained in the status of “mirnik” not “dannik” as rulers of Northeast Rus’. The absence of the Basques, as well as the transfer by the Mongols of the shortcut to Kyiv to the Vladimir-Suzdal Princes directly dependent on the Golden Horde once again underlines another legal status of the Galician and Volyn Lands.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnese Sile

The status of photography within medical arts or humanities is still insecure. Despite a growing number of published photographic essays that disclose illness experience of an individual and how illness affects close relatives, these works have received relatively little scholarly attention. Through analysis of Joshua Lutz’s Hesitating Beauty (2012) which documents his mother who was suffering from schizophrenia, this article will explore how the photographic essay attempts to reconstruct a dialogue between mother and son out of fragmented, broken and undeveloped communications, and in the process how it challenges representation itself, on which it is dependent. The focus of the analysis is on identifying and illuminating the intimate space that opens between the photographer and the photographed person and that provides new forms of communication as well as uncovers existing forms of knowledge that is shared between them. This paper will also assess the political and cultural significance of such representation.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Mladen Ančić

The author discusses the impact of political relations on the definition of ecclesiastical jurisdiction areas and the status and development of the Zadar diocese from the 9th until the 12th century. The starting premise has been the fact that the territory of the Zadar diocese on the mainland was limited to the narrow strip of the city’s hinterland throughout the early medieval period. This situation can be inferred from the political and ecclesiastical situation in the broader Eastern Adriatic area during the 9th and early 10th centuries. The author emphasizes that the expansion of the jurisdiction area of Zadar’s bishop was initially obstructed by the organization of the Nin diocese, but also indicates the importance of the reform of ecclesiastical organization at the Church Councils of Split in 925 and 928. In this context, the article analyzes the circumstances that resulted in Zadar’s autonomy with regard to the Croatian ruler ever since the Treaty of Aachen in 812. This constellation led to the formation of a separate political entity, which the medieval sources call provintia Jadertina, with borders that coincided with those of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Zadar’s bishop. This situation has been compared to that of Split as fully incorporated in the territory of the Croatian rulers by the late 9th century, which turned out to be a crucial factor when defining the metropolitan see for the Croatian Kingdom. Integrating the city in the Croatian king’s system of governance and administration made it possible for the Archbishop of Split to extend his area of jurisdiction well into the hinterland. The similar position of Trogir resulted in the fact that, at the time when the Trogir diocese was established, the jurisdiction area of the new bishop likewise included a relatively broad hinterland area. The concluding remarks explain why the political changes in the second half of the 11th century could no longer change the long-established situation.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-34
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip ◽  
Muhammad Uzair Azizan

This article discusses on the Islamic-Malay political transition which focuses at the state of Kedah starting from 2008 up to the ‘Menteri Besar’ crisis in 2016. The revolution of Islamic-Malay politics in Kedah started drastically after the previous 12th and 13th general election. The support of Islamic-Malay voters in Kedah is greatly affected by public policy issues which arise during general election period. The political tsunami has given the opposition, especially PAS, the chance to lead the State Government of Kedah for the first time in history after the independence of Malaysia. New policies are developed during PAS’s administration period which gives impact to the politic, economy and society especially in strengthening the status of Islamic-Malay. Be that as it may, PAS’s position was seen to be in danger as the 13th general election draws nearer since there were handful of political issues at the state level and other issues which fails to be handled gently by PAS. As a result of this, UMNO has succeeded in getting back Kedah state government from PAS. The Islamic-Malay voters, as the dominant race in Kedah, have shown their dynamic political inclination based on the leadership trend demonstrated by both parties in their administration. In light of the above, this article discusses the issues, development and solutions which influence the Islamic-Malay voters in Kedah from 2008 to 2016.Keywords: Islamic-Malay politic, political tsunami, political revolution ABSTRAK: Artikel ini membincangkan mengenai transisi politik Melayu-Islam melalui fokus di negeri Kedah bermula dari tahun 2008 hingga krisis pertukaran Menteri Besar pada 2016. Dinamika perubahan politik Melayu-Islam di Kedah bermula secara drastik selepas berlangsungnya pilihan raya umum ke-12 sehingga ke-13 yang lalu. Pelbagai isu berkaitan kepentingan masyarakat yang timbul menjelang pilihan raya umum ke-12 lalu telah mempengaruhi sokongan pengundi Melayu-Islam di Kedah. Kemunculan tsunami politik telah memberi peluang kepada parti oposisi khususnya PAS untuk mentadbir Kedah buat kali pertama semenjak merdeka. Sepanjang tempoh pentadbiran PAS di Kedah, dasar-dasar baru telah diperkenalkan oleh kerajaan negeri sehingga menghasilkan pelbagai impak politik, ekonomi dan sosial khususnya dalam memperkukuhkan kedudukan Melayu-Islam. Namun, kedudukan PAS di Kedah semakin terancam menjelang pilihan raya umum ke-13 menerusi pelbagai krisis dalam politik peringkat negeri dan isu-isu semasa yang gagal ditangani sebaiknya oleh parti berkenaan. Kerencaman isu yang berbangkit menyebabkan UMNO berjaya menguasai semula kerajaan yang sebelumnya ditadbir oleh PAS. Trend kepimpinan dalam tempoh tujuh tahun memperlihatkan bahawa wujudnya kedinamikan politik dalam kalangan pengundi-pengundi Melayu-Islam yang merupakan masyarakat dominan di negeri berkenaan. Oleh hal demikian, artikel ini secara terperinci mengupas isu-isu, perkembangan dan penyelesaian yang mempengaruhi pengundi-pengundi Melayu-Islam khususnya di negeri Kedah dari 2008 hingga 2016. Kata kunci: Politik Melayu-Islam, tsunami politik, perubahan politik


2020 ◽  
pp. 146247452094174
Author(s):  
Seçkin Sertdemir Özdemir

In an era when authoritarian governments increasingly target academics, Turkey’s 2016 purge of more than 6,000 academics and their diminution to civic death is conspicuous in its cruelty. Although unprecedented, this is not the first time that Turkish academics have been punished en masse. By looking at the tools with which academics have been expelled from educational institutions, the public sphere, and the political body, I attempt to develop a nuanced understanding of the interconnected forms of punishment directed towards academic citizens as knowledge producers. I suggest that the 1980 coup accomplished three things: it introduced new mechanisms of punishment based on a logic of retribution instead of compensation; it changed the legal system into a regime of exception; it transformed academics into patriotic worker-citizens. The latest purges have brought an additional change in the status of academics’ citizenship, rendering them as disposable citizens forever at risk of being targeted as the ‘civic dead’.


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