Surveying terrestrial magnetism in time and space

2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita McConnell

Charts marked with the lines of magnetic variation have been published since Halley's Atlantic chart of 1701. It was already known that the location of the magnetic poles shifted over time, and that the north and south poles were not diametrically opposite. As more seafarers penetrated the Southern Ocean, isogons on the charts were extended southwards with greater confidence. At sea variation was measured by comparing compass direction with the Sun's midday shadow. In polar regions, where horizontal force is too weak to attract a compass needle, the location of the pole was sought by observing the inclination of a dip needle swinging in the magnetic meridian, which would hang vertically at the pole. The Fox dip circle, developed in 1834, was the first instrument capable of measuring dip and intensity at sea, and allowed James Clark Ross to predict the location of the South Magnetic Pole. In 1902 Discovery's crew landed an observatory ashore, but a trek on to the plateau failed to reach the magnetic pole. Success came in 1909 during Shackleton's Nimrod expedition, when T. Edgeworth David's party reached the zone of maximum dip. Over the following years data from photographic magnetometers recording declination, vertical and horizontal intensity were routinely made at the various national bases round Antarctica; they contributed to our knowledge of the Earth's internal magnetism and on the solar influences.

The author observes that opinions differ as to the elevation of the Aurora Borealis above the surface of the earth, and that this is a point which can be determined only by a series of concurring observations. The appearance of a phenomenon of this kind on the 29th of March, 1826, assuming the form of a regular arch at right angles to the magnetic meridian, and marked by peculiar features, continuing for above an hour in the same position, afforded a most favourable opportunity for obtaining the data requisite for the solution of this problem; and the author accordingly took great pains to collect as many authentic accounts as possible of the apparent position of this luminous arch with reference to the stars, when seen from various places where it had been observed in England and in Scotland. It appears to have been actually seen in places 170 miles distant from one another, in a north and south direction, and 45 miles distant from east to west, thus comprising an area of 7000 or 8000 square miles; but it must have been visible over a much greater extent. Accounts were received of its having been seen as far north as Edinburgh, and as far south as Manchester and Doncaster, and at most of the intermediate towns; and from the exact; correspondence of the descriptions from all these places, it was impossible to doubt that they referred to the same luminous appearance. In proceeding from north to south, the apparent altitude of the arch continually increased, still keeping to the south of the zenith till we come to Kendal, at which place it very nearly crossed the zenith; at Warrington, which is further south, the culminating point of the arch was north of the zenith. Wherever seen, the arch always seemed to terminate nearly in the magnetic, east and west, at two opposite points of the horizon. The observations, in which the author places the greatest confidence for determining the height of this aurora, were those made at Whitehaven and at Warrington, places which are distant 83 miles from one another, and situated nearly on the same magnetic meridian. Calculating from the data they afford, he finds the height of the arch very nearly 100 miles above the surface of the earth, and immediately over the towns of Kendal and of Kirkby-Stephen. This conclusion is corroborated by observations at Jedburgh; but if the former be compared with those at Edinburgh, the height will come out to be 150 or 160 miles, and the position vertical about Carlisle: but he thinks the former result more entitled to confidence. Assuming the height to be 100 miles, it will follow that the breadth of the arch would be 8 or 9 miles, and its visible length in an east and west direction from any one place would be about 550 miles. The author then proceeds to take a comparative view of the results of inquiries on the height and position of other auroræ which have at different times appeared, and are recorded in the Philosophical Transactions and other scientific journals. He also gives an account of a luminous arch seen both at Kendal and at Manchester on the 27th of December last, which appeared in the zenith at the former place, and was elevated 53° from the north at the latter place; whence its height is deduced to be 100 miles. From the general agreement of this series of observations, the author infers that these luminous arches of the aurora, which are occasionally seen stretching from east to west, are all nearly of the same height; namely, about 100 miles. Observations are still wanting for the determination of the length of beams parallel to the dipping-needle, which constitute the more ordinary forms of the aurora borealis; neither can it be determined whether these beams arise above the arches, as from a base, or whether they descend below, as if appended to the arches. It is remarkable that the arches and beams are rarely, if ever, seen connected together, or in juxta-position; but always in parts of the heavens at a considerable distance from each other.


Author(s):  
William B. Meyer

One of the earliest historians of the Civil War saw it as a fundamental clash between the peoples of different latitudes. Climate had made the antebellum North and South distinct societies and natural enemies, John W. Draper argued, the one democratic and individualist, the other aristocratic and oligarchical. If such were the case, the future of the reunited states was hardly a bright one. But Draper saw no natural barriers to national unity that wise policy could not surmount. The restlessness and transience of American life that many deplored instead merited, in his view, every assistance possible. In particular, he wrote, Americans needed to be encouraged to move as freely across climatic zones as they already did within them. The tendency of North and South to congeal into hostile types of civilization could be frustrated, but only by an incessant mingling of people. Sectional discord was inevitable only if the natural law that "emigrants move on parallels of latitude" were left free to take its course. These patterns of emigration were left free, for the most part, but without the renewed strife that Draper feared. After the war as before it, few settlers relocating to new homes moved far to the north or south of their points of origin. As late as 1895, Henry Gannett, chief geographer to the U.S. Census, could still describe internal migration as "mainly conducted westward along parallels of latitude." More often as time went on, it was supposed that race and not merely habit underlay the pattern, that climatic preferences were innate, different stocks of people staying in the latitudes of their forbears by the compulsion of biology. Thus, it was supposed, Anglo-Saxons preferred cooler lands than Americans of Mediterranean ancestry, while those of African descent preferred warmer climates than either. Over time, though, latitude loosened its grip and exceptions to the rule multiplied. As the share of the population in farming declined, so did the strongest reason for migrants to stay within familiar climates. Even by the time Gannett wrote, the tendency that he described, though still apparent, was weaker than it had been at mid-century. It weakened because a preference for familiar climates was not a fixed human trait but one shaped by experience and wants, and capable of changing as these variables changed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie M. Hughes ◽  
Pamela Paxton ◽  
Sharon Quinsaat ◽  
Nicholas Reith

Over the last century, women increasingly transcended national boundaries to exchange information, build solidarity, and bring change. Accounts suggest that as women's international presence expanded, the types of women who participated also shifted. During the first wave of women's movements, White Western women dominated, but over time women of the Global South increasingly organized themselves. Yet we do not know whether North-South inequalities in women's organizational membership have diminished. We collect longitudinal network data on 447 women's international nongovernmental organizations (WINGOs) and use visual tools and network measures to explore changes in the network structure from 1978 to 2008. Results suggest (1) WINGOs—while increasing in frequency—are not connecting to greater numbers of countries, (2) the North/South split in WINGO memberships does not change over time, (3) significant power differences between the North and South persist, and (4) substantial inequalities in WINGO memberships within the Global South also exist.


Author(s):  
Saida Hodžić

Chapter 2, Making Harmful Traditional Practices, examines the Ghanaian problematization of cutting as a “harmful traditional practice,” and contextualizes it within governance discourses and policies that conceptualize poverty in northern Ghana as an effect of harmful traditions. It shows that the codification of harmful traditions is embedded in the larger frameworks of modernization and development that have shifted over time. The national discourse of harmful traditions is the primary mode of problematizing northern poverty; it draws on neoliberal technologies of recognizing scarcity while shifting the responsibility for it to northern Ghanaians and their traditions. I suggest that anti-cutting campaigns employ this notion to mediate the fraught relationship between Ghana’s North and South and the place of the North in the Ghanaian polity. I suggest that the public embrace of this problematization results from the construction of northern Ghana as a counterpoint to southern civilization and modernity and a site for displacing national lack, shame, and disorder.


The author remarks that the discordances in former observations made with a view to determine the position of the magnetic pole, have arisen partly from the irregularity of distribution in the earth of the substances which exert magnetic power, and partly from the great distances from the magnetic poles at which these observations have been made. The latter cause of uncertainty has been now, in a great measure, removed, by the numerous and accurate observations made during the late arctic expeditions. The object of the present paper is to put on record those which were made in the last voyage of Captain Ross, in which a spot was reached corresponding to the true north magnetic pole on the surface of the earth. The nature of the instruments, and the difficulties encountered in their practical employment, under the circumstances of the expedition, are fully stated. Having arrived, on the 1st of June, at north latitude 70° 5' 17", and west longitude 96° 45' 48", the horizontal magnetic needle exhibited no determinate directive tendency, and the dipping needle was within a minute of the vertical position, a quantity which may be supposed to come within the limits of the errors of observation; hence the author concludes that this spot may be considered as the true magnetic pole, or as a very near approximation to it, as far, at least, as could be ascertained with the limited means of determination of which he was then in possession. A table of the observations, including those on the intensity of the magnetic force at various stations, is subjoined.


2016 ◽  
Vol 113 (29) ◽  
pp. 8057-8063 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. Heintzman ◽  
Duane Froese ◽  
John W. Ives ◽  
André E. R. Soares ◽  
Grant D. Zazula ◽  
...  

The Ice Free Corridor has been invoked as a route for Pleistocene human and animal dispersals between eastern Beringia and more southerly areas of North America. Despite the significance of the corridor, there are limited data for when and how this corridor was used. Hypothetical uses of the corridor include: the first expansion of humans from Beringia into the Americas, northward postglacial expansions of fluted point technologies into Beringia, and continued use of the corridor as a contact route between the north and south. Here, we use radiocarbon dates and ancient mitochondrial DNA from late Pleistocene bison fossils to determine the chronology for when the corridor was open and viable for biotic dispersals. The corridor was closed after ∼23,000 until 13,400 calendar years ago (cal y BP), after which we find the first evidence, to our knowledge, that bison used this route to disperse from the south, and by 13,000 y from the north. Our chronology supports a habitable and traversable corridor by at least 13,000 cal y BP, just before the first appearance of Clovis technology in interior North America, and indicates that the corridor would not have been available for significantly earlier southward human dispersal. Following the opening of the corridor, multiple dispersals of human groups between Beringia and interior North America may have continued throughout the latest Pleistocene and early Holocene. Our results highlight the utility of phylogeographic analyses to test hypotheses about paleoecological history and the viability of dispersal routes over time.


Author(s):  
Samuel K. Cohn, Jr.

This chapter traces variations in violent reactions spurred by cholera in Spain, Portuguese territories, Venezuela, Czarist Russia, the Soviet Union, the Middle East, Tunisia, Egypt, and again Italy, now over time, including protests against quarantines as well as against municipalities prohibiting quarantine, and protests increasingly engaged with national politics with middle-class support against states’ negligence in providing clean water or investment in sewage systems. Italy, from the 1860s to the 1880s, shows another new trend: charity between the North and South with ‘young men’ sacrificing their lives to relieve suffering in hecatombs of cholera disaster, as in Naples in 1884. Despite these variations, cholera continued to spur disturbances based on class and on the old mythologies. With Ebola, cholera-like social toxins of distrust and hatred of the poor towards the medical corps provoked by funerary restrictions have endured to the present.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Pilinski ◽  
Laila Andersson ◽  
Ed Thiemann

<p>The MAVEN satellite has now made two Martian-years of ionosphere-thermosphere (I-T) observations enabling limited studies of seasonal changes in the upper atmosphere. Before examining the ionospheric dynamics associated with space weather, we wish to understand the climatological conditions of the system.  For example, previous studies have revealed the morning electron temperature overshoot as well as a close dependence between electron temperatures and neutral densities in the equatorial regions. In this presentation, we will examine differences in the northern and southern dayside ionosphere during the summer season of each hemisphere. The differences between these two cases will be contrasted with the seasonal dependence at the equator. Differences between the equatorial and polar regions are expected due to (A) differences in neutral scale heights, (B) differences in the solar zenith angle, and (C) the equilibration of I-T coupling due to differences in solar illumination.</p><p>In this work, we present a statistical analysis of MAVEN measurements comparing the north and south summer I-T. We find that when controlling for neutral pressure and latitude, the north and south plasma densities and temperatures are nearly identical below the demagnetization altitude (higher neutral pressures). Above the demagnetization altitude (lower neutral pressures), the southern hemisphere electron densities are higher than those in the northern hemisphere by ~100%. A significantly lower electron temperature is also observed in the south at these lower pressures. Given that the difference in solar EUV (and corresponding neutral heating) is ~20% between the two summer seasons, we postulate that the significantly lower plasma densities (above the demagnetization altitude) in the northern summer are due in part to an increase in ionospheric loss. This loss may be associated with the acceleration of ionospheric particles by the draped magnetic fields at an altitude where ions are not demagnetized. Furthermore, the loss may be diminished in the southern hemisphere where crustal magnetic fields increase the standoff distance to the solar wind magnetic field.</p>


Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 735-758
Author(s):  
Neil A. Englehart

Afghanistan is often depicted as a failing state, but its failures display distinctive patterns over time and space. Regional variations in governance have been important in shaping the ways the Afghan state has failed and the consequences of these failures. This article argues that a history of better governance in the north facilitated the disarmament of militia warlords and comparative stability. By contrast, the south has a long history of minimal formal governance, creating opportunities for increased Taliban insurgency.


Polar Record ◽  
1948 ◽  
Vol 5 (35-36) ◽  
pp. 148-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold Spencer Jones

A knowledge of the positions of the magnetic poles is important for the construction of magnetic charts of the polar areas. Charts giving the isogonals, or lines of equal declination, are needed for the purpose of air navigation over the polar regions, which is likely to become of increasing importance. The isogonals have a particularly complicated shape in the polar regions, because both the geographical pole and the magnetic pole are points of singularity, through which all the isogonals necessarily pass.


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