Nation and Religion: Dangerous Liaisons

Author(s):  
Anna Triandafyllidou

This chapter discusses two contrasted processes that take plce in Europe today: On one hand, religion is perceived as a main dimension that organises social and political life at the global level, and, on the other hand, national identity and the nation-state is re-emerging as the main community of allegiance and belonging in a post-industrial society. I am arguing that actually both processes find their roots in the re-organisation of the political and symbolic world order that took place in 1989 with the collapse of Communism. They are of course conveniently supported and fuelled by the recent socio-economic crisis in Europe, which has intensified inequalities both within and between countries making citizens increasingly worried about their future.

1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Friesen

Historically human societies have never collectively organized, politically or socially, in any singular, standardized and/or universal way. Beginning with the Peace of Westphalia in 1647 the nation-state gradually proliferated as a legitimate manifestation of collective human organization at a global level. This proliferation has culminated in the standardization of a singular means of mobilizing and organizing human societies. The statist age that began in the 16th and 17th centuries consolidated and centralized the political power of the state. Divergent factions and regional power blocks within European states were discouraged, as politics became centralized at the national level. The proliferation of the nation-state represented the standardization of human political organization according to a single model. Given that there are, and have been, a variety of means by which humans identify and organize politically, this suggests that this universal acceptance and entrenchment of one model may be somewhat inappropriate.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-75
Author(s):  
Paul B. Thompson

German social theorist Ulrich Beck has suggested that the political economy of post-industrial society has shifted away from the competition among relatively well-defined social groups for control of benefit streams resulting from technological and organizational innovations that characterized the roughly 200-year period of industrialization. In its place, we find constantly changing aggregates of individuals engaged in temporary or limited alliances competing to affect the distribution of social, environmental, and economic risks. Beck argues that a complex set of forces has brought about this shift. He mentions many oft noted changes in gender and family roles, in employment patterns, and global interdependencies, but two points are especially relevant to me collection of issues that have been discussed in these four papers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 112-125
Author(s):  
Nataliya Latova ◽  

The article tests the hypothesis, based on the concept of post-industrial society that people with higher education will be more politically active, especially in the manifestation of the demand for change. For this purpose, the materials of the All-Russian poll, organized in March 2021 by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, are used to analyze the sociopolitical characteristics associated with political activism and the formation of a demand for change among different educational groups of Russians. The conclusion is made that, first, education in modern Russia does directly affect an individual's preparedness for political action: more educated Russians are more interested in the political life of the country and are more aware of their ability to influence the "rules of the game". Second, education does directly affect actual involvement in social and political activism. However, concerning conscious political participation, this effect relates not so much to everyday, regular, as to its extreme protest forms. Third, the education of Russians has no discernible correlation with the presence/absence of a liberal demand for change. In terms of meeting the minimum requirements for political participation, Russian educational groups currently correspond to the Western political science mainstream theory and the practices of developed countries. Nevertheless, the highlighted features of the political characteristics of Russians with higher and post-higher education (not all of the examined indicators are stable in dynamics, not all differences between educational groups are clearly expressed, and, in general, the participation of highly educated Russians in the political life of the country is rather formal) lead to the need for a more careful study of the findings not only of the Western scientific mainstream but also of alternative concepts of Third World researchers. In addition, it has been suggested that the emancipation of a group of highly educated Russians from the state is incomplete. Consequently, they are aware of their objectively central place and leading role in political life.


2003 ◽  
pp. 103-109
Author(s):  
V. Novikov

Historical optimism is a rather common belief in economics. It is often thought that a newly established theory (or society) is better than the previously prevailing one. The author doesn't share this view and finds it useful to discuss the role of the political economy of socialism in contemporary economics which was begun with the publication of the paper by A. Buzgalin in 2003, No 3. But the analysis of A. Buzgalin's arguments doesn't support his conclusion on possible usefulness of the political economy of socialism in the studies of post-industrial society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 83-113
Author(s):  
Dick Hobbs

This chapter addresses ethnographies of criminal culture. It refers in particular to the fluctuating political economic context within which this academic tradition has functioned and its historical trajectory. It addresses criminal cultures of the industrial era, the ethnographic studies that chart the criminal cultures that emerged from post-industrial society, and the constraints imposed upon contemporary ethnographers by the neoliberal university. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the author’s long-term engagement in the field, and queries the relevance of the concept of criminal culture by referring to an ongoing case study that is informed by the political economy of post-industrial society rather than by the dead hand of criminological orthodoxy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 269-299
Author(s):  
Aleksandr S. Stykalin ◽  

In the constitution adopted after the fall of the Ceauşescu regime, Romania was declared a unitary nation-state, which was an obstacle to granting autonomy to two counties of Eastern Transylvania where ethnic Hungarians make up the vast majority of the population. Nevertheless, this issue continues to be part of the political life of Romania, periodically increasing the tension in relations between Bucharest not only with the Hungarian parties of Romania, but also with the Hungarian government that supports these parties. The fundamental differences in approach to the problem of the status of the Hungarian minority in Transylvania did not, however, become an obstacle to the progressive development of mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation between the two neighboring countries. Owing to the fact that the Hungarian national consciousness continues to perceive the loss of Transylvania as painful, “wars” of historical memory flare up from time to time between Romania and Hungary. However, pragmatic considerations, and, above all, mutual interest in economic cooperation, contribute to overcoming any conflicts that emerge.


Author(s):  
Lilia Braga ◽  

The article deals with the problem of political process and political participation in the Republic of Moldova. The author draws on the realistic concept of Danilo Zolo about the “social complexity” in the context of the post-industrial era in the studying of this issue. The author shows that the evolution of the political process in the Republic of Moldova reflects the global processes of democracy crisis, being a product of the modern age development. The author pays a special attention to the problem of political participation, concluding that such a problems like the COVID-19, finally remove demos from political life. Actually, the mane subject of the political process become the executive branch. The concentration of political power requires strengthening of the professionalism and of the responsibility of the management team.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

The concluding chapter is divided into five sub-sections. That on the First World War argues that Britain’s experience of the war was comparatively benign, in so far as this was possible; a perhaps surprising and counter-intuitive conclusion. I have used the study of Keynes’s attitude to the rentier to consider more widely the political economy of interwar Britain. The ‘Decay of Industrial Society’ looks at the political and social consequences of Britain’s decline as an industrial economy: a decline fundamental to Britain’s history after the Second World War. ‘A Whole Social System’ argues for the significance of sport not only as part of popular life but also as fully representative of the wider connections of Britain’s social and political life. Finally, in ‘What Kind of Democracy’, I suggest how these together helped shape the kind of democracy that emerged in Britain in the twentieth century.


2020 ◽  
pp. 157-200
Author(s):  
Adam Sutcliffe

This chapter focuses on the purpose of the Jews in relation to the potential and meaning of nationhood, in both Zionist and non-Zionist contexts. It talks about Moses Hess, a writer in Germany in the 1860s, who linked a profoundly negative view of the Jews' diasporic role as arch-capitalists to his irenic view of the role of the Jews in his Zionist vision of the future. It explains how a Zionist grappling with the idea of Jewish exemplarity runs through the twentieth-century history of the movement. This chapter also highlights the cultural Zionism of Ahad Ha'am and the political rhetoric of David Ben-Gurion, who repeatedly invoked Isaiah's “light unto the nations” as his vision for the Jewish state. It analyzes the relationship of Jewish exemplarity and purpose to the broader political life of the nation state that became a rich and complicated seam of debate within twentieth century thought.


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