scholarly journals Implications of ethno-linguistic politics on the national integration in Pakistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-130
Author(s):  
Muhammad Saleem ◽  
Saiful Islam

The problem of national integration can be found mostly in the developing countries. The post-colonial period holds great significance in this connection. The governments of those countries did introduce different kinds of strategies to ensure national integration but failed. National integration is a big issue in Pakistan and the main reason is multi-cultural society having conflicting ethno-linguistic interests. No ruler or government seems to have honestly tried to resolve this turbulent issue. All groups living in Pakistan have many kinds of grievances. The unfair distribution of wealth is faced by all groups. The state espoused authoritarian policy to establish its position and power. Baluchistan has natural gas but is the poorest province. Similarly, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa produces electricity of Pakistan but faces more load shedding than other provinces. As for as the attainment and maintenance of national integration are concerned, provincial autonomy and strong federal institutions are the prerequisites. Only those countries have achieved national integration in the post-colonial period who have adopted pluralistic and rejected assimilationist approach. Strengthening of political institutions and federal system can redress the grievances of the oppressed groups. In this paper the researcher has tried to discuss implications of ethno-linguistic politics on national integration in Pakistan.

Author(s):  
Paul Sturges

The donations of books and other materials to libraries in developing countries reveal the paradox that a gift can be more of a problem than a benefit. In the post-colonial period, well meaning organisations sent boxes of discarded books to libraries. Governments send book donations for propaganda purposes and religious organisations do likewise, with the Church of Scientology currently using its massive translating, publishing and distribution capacity for this purpose. Ways in which donations can be selected so as to serve the actual needs of recipients have been explored in recent years, with the charity Book Aid International being an outstanding example. The experience of libraries in the face of donations of all these types is discussed so as to point to some conclusions on the significance for international cooperation.


Author(s):  
Christian Bjørnskov ◽  
Martin Rode

Abstract Claims that colonial political institutions fundamentally affected the probability for democratic governance in the post-colonial period are probably among some of the most contested in institutional analysis. The current paper revisits this literature using a previously unused source of empirical information – the Statesman's Yearbook – on a large number of non-sovereign countries in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Our analysis shows that neither the size of the European population nor the existence of institutions of higher education appear to be important for the subsequent democratisation of countries decolonised during the latter half of the 20th century, while the existence of representative political bodies during the late colonial period clearly predicts the existence and stability of democracy in recent decades. Successful transplants of democracy to former colonies thus seem to crucially depend on whether recipients had time available to experiment around and adjust the imported institutions to local practices.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Otokpom Charles Asuk

The evolution of contemporary Kalabari society reflects the contour of a historical progression of a people who struggled to manage the competing forces of unity and disunity in their existence. As a polity, it evolved from a fishing village to a city-state, to an empire, and to a republic or confederacy. This work examines the role of Oruwari-Briggs House in this evolutionary trajectory from the pre-colonial through the colonial to the post-colonial period. Methodologically, the work adopts the political economy approach. From oral and archival sources, published and unpublished works, the study demonstrates that the Oruwari-Briggs House played a strategic role in the inter-house rivalry, the formation of groups, and political alliances that culminated in the disintegration of Elem Kalabari, movement of populations to new settlements, the transformation of traditional political institutions, and the emergence of multiple centers of power symbolized by the existence of Amayanapu in contemporary Kalabari as against an Amayanabo for the entire polity in the pre-colonial period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Ibiang O Okoi

We investigated Nigerian’s post-colonial resurgences of internal boundary and religious conflicts that have bedeviled the country since independence based on the problems of national integration in post-colonial Nigeria. It argued that resurgences of internal boundary and religious conflicts in the country since liberation in 1960 are crops of expansionism in the sense that colonialism, while the post-colonial state could not avert the ills of colonial rule but rather re-invented the foreign strategy of division and law. It also argues that the scuffles for control of the naturally found resources in the localities are a result of “oppression, marginalization and government influence, uneven distribution of wealth and resources, nepotism and socio-religious bigotry,” which have over the years led religious groups, communities, local governments and States to a long-drawn-out deadly boundary and religious conflicts. The objective of this research is not only aim at highlighting the impact of internal boundary and religious conflicts on the Nigerian federation but also to draw the attention of Nigerian policymakers and researchers to the “neglect” of these issues, which have pitted groups between and even within states in the country, with deadly consequences, thereby questioning the principle of national integration and its essence in Nigeria. The methodology used in this research is the secondary source that has to do with published and unpublished works on the internal boundary, religious conflicts, and national integration. The paper submits that the existence of different natural resources found within the country should not always lead to the internal boundary and religious conflicts but cooperation amongst the people.


2004 ◽  
pp. 66-76
Author(s):  
E. Hershberg

The influence of globalization on international competitiveness is considered in the article. Two strategies of economic growth are pointed out: the low road, that is producing more at lower cost and lower wages, with increasingly intensive exploitation of labor and environment, and the high road, that is upgrading capabilities in order to produce better basing on knowledge. Restrictions for developing countries trying to reach global competitiveness are formulated. Special attention is paid to the concept of upgrading and opportunities of joining transnational value chains. The importance of learning and forming social and political institutions for successful upgrading of the economy is stressed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-74
Author(s):  
Martin Soukup ◽  
Dušan Lužný

This study analyzes and interprets East Sepik storyboards, which the authors regard as a form of cultural continuity and instrument of cultural memory in the post-colonial period. The study draws on field research conducted by the authors in the village of Kambot in East Sepik. The authors divide the storyboards into two groups based on content. The first includes storyboards describing daily life in the community, while the other links the daily life to pre-Christian religious beliefs and views. The aim of the study is to analyze one of the forms of contemporary material culture in East Sepik in the context of cultural changes triggered by Christianization, colonial administration in the former Territory of New Guinea and global tourism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 238-246
Author(s):  
Olga Dzhenchakova

The article considers the impact of the colonial past of some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and its effect on their development during the post-colonial period. The negative consequences of the geopolitical legacy of colonialism are shown on the example of three countries: Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Angola, expressed in the emergence of conflicts in these countries based on ethno-cultural, religious and socio-economic contradictions. At the same time, the focus is made on the economic factor and the consequences of the consumer policy of the former metropolises pursuing their mercantile interests were mixed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Adebukola Dagunduro ◽  
Adebimpe Adenugba

AbstractWomen’s activism within various ethnic groups in Nigeria dates back to the pre-colonial era, with notable heroic leaders, like Moremi of Ife, Amina of Zaria, Emotan of Benin, Funmilayo Kuti, Margaret Ekpo and many others. The participation of Nigerian women in the Beijing Conference of 1995 led to a stronger voice for women in the political landscape. Several women’s rights groups have sprung up in the country over the years. Notable among them are the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND) and Female in Nigeria (FIN). However, majority have failed to actualize significant political, social or economic growth. This paper examines the challenges and factors leading to their inability to live up to people’s expectations. Guided by patriarchy and liberal feminism theories, this paper utilizes both historical and descriptive methods to examine these factors. The paper argues that a lack of solidarity among women’s groups, financial constraints, unfavourable political and social practices led to the inability of women’s groups in Nigeria to live up to the envisaged expectations. The paper concludes that, for women’s activist groups to survive in Nigeria, a quiet but significant social revolution is necessary among women. Government should also formulate and implement policies that will empower women politically, economically and socially.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara M. Cooper

This essay argues that female participation in agriculture and limited seclusion in Maradi (Niger) today do not stem from the absence of agricultural slavery in the pre-colonial period but rather result from the resistance of the Katsinawa élite to the Islamic reforms of the Sokoto Caliphate and from the absence of rimji (plantation) slavery in the region. The abolition of slavery did not mark a watershed in the rise of seclusion, as M. G. Smith argues was the case in Nigeria, but rather triggered a series of reformulations of marriage and female hierarchy. Semi-legitimate and legitimate polygynous marriages permitted men and women of the wealthier classes to retain the labor of former female slaves as ‘concubines’ and later enabled them to use junior wives to perform the duties once carried out by slaves. Women countered the ambiguities of such marriages by asserting their worth through wedding ritual and later by adopting the veiling of élite women. As economic and cultural ties with northern Nigeria grew during the colonial and post-colonial periods, and as goods and services reduced some of the labor demands upon urban women, seclusion gained in popularity. By acquiescing to the dependency implicit in purdah women could protect themselves from the labor demands of others and could sometimes free themselves up to earn independent incomes of their own. Thus the recent adoption of seclusion in Maradi has not arisen out of a unilateral decision on the part of newly freed women to adopt seclusion as a sign of status, as Smith claimed for Northern Nigeria, but resulted instead from of a series of redefinitions, contestations and negotiations of marriage in which both men and women have been active.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-157
Author(s):  
Parvez Hassan

Abstract In the post-colonial era, the newly emerging and independent states of Asia and Africa, supported by the developing world in South America, questioned the validity and legitimacy of norms of international law. Those norms were perceived to serve only the interests of the developed Western nations and were alien to the aspirations of the developing countries. International law has evolved over time, with a willingness to accept the viewpoint of new participants in the global process in a variety of contexts. These include the international protection of human rights and international law regarding the permanent sovereignty of nations over their natural wealth and resources. The interests of developing countries have been assimilated, though the extent to which this is done varies. A central message advanced is that the ultimate integrity of international law is the commonality and synthesis of the interests of all states, rich and poor, agricultural and industrial. The continuing contribution of developing countries, through their participation in conferences, negotiation of treaties and soft law texts, adds immeasurable strength to the current state and future development of international environmental law.


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