scholarly journals Different Pasts for Different Political Folk: Political Orientation Predicts Collective Nostalgia Content

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Stefaniak ◽  
Michael Jeremy Adam Wohl ◽  
Constantine Sedikides ◽  
Anouk Smeekes ◽  
Tim Wildschut
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Student Sample ◽  
The Past ◽  
Online Panel ◽  
General Desire ◽  
Political Right ◽  
Negative Predictor

Collective nostalgia is a bittersweet emotion that reflects sentimental longing for valued aspects of the past of one’s group. Given that conservatism is typically associated with a general desire to preserve the societal status quo or return society to its traditional way of being, nostalgia has been theorized to be characteristic of those on the political right (i.e., conservatives). In the current work, we proposed and tested the hypothesis that collective nostalgia is experienced by both conservatives and liberals, but the content of their nostalgizing differs. Across three studies in three socio-political contexts—United States (Study 1, MTurk, N = 352), Canada (Study 2, student sample, N = 154), and England (Study 3, online panel, N = 2,345)—we found that both conservatives and liberals experienced collective nostalgia for a more homogenous and open society. However, conservatives experienced more homogeneity-focused collective nostalgia, whereas liberals experienced more openness-focused collective nostalgia. Replicating previous findings, homogeneity-focused nostalgia emerged as a positive, whereas openness-focused nostalgia emerged as a negative, predictor of intergroup attitudes. The results have both theoretical and practical significance for understanding political attitudes and behaviors. To the point, variance in the conservative and liberal political agendas is, in part, a function of a difference in their respective predisposition to nostalgize about and thus desire the return of a particular aspect of the in-group’s past.

Ideological bases of attitudes towards meat abstention: Vegetarianism as a threat to the cultural and economic status quo

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110203
Author(s):  
Samantha K. Stanley
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
Meat Consumption ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Political Right

Those on the political right engage in greater meat consumption and animal exploitation than their left-wing counterparts. Previous research suggests this is because they view vegetarianism as threatening the nation’s dietary customs and economy. Across two studies, I extend this concept of “vegetarianism threat” by showing that it separates into two distinct dimensions of concern: cultural (symbolic) threats and economic (realistic) threats. The resultant multidimensional scale allows a finer grained understanding of the roots of ideology-based threat responses to meat-free movements. Together, results implicate symbolic concerns as the key element of vegetarianism threat contributing to negative attitudes towards meat abstention and its proponents.

Le mouvement pentecôtiste chilien et la politique

1978 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Tennekes ◽  
M. Fl. Jacques
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Large Majority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present System ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Past ◽  
Common Position ◽  
The Right

This article is an interpretation of the principal results of a survey conducted in 1971 and 1973, regarding the attitude of chilean Pentecostals towards the political life of their country. On the basis of this study it appears that during Allende's period there was a big difference in the political sympathies between the Pentecostal leaders — mainly oriented towards the right — and the mass of the Pentecostal faith ful — who in a large majority entertained sympathies for the left. In spite of this difference in political orientation, the leaders and the other Pentecostals joined in a common position of condemnation of active participation in the political struggle fought at that time, and in general they adopted an attitude of reserve in regard to anything concerning politics. This lign of conduct was not only caused by a concern about dissension in the ecclesial community, but it was also motivated by the idea that politics, as it existed before the coup of 1973, was morally reprehensible. If this background is taken into account, there should be not too much attention paid to the manifestations of support of the present system of government expressed by many Pentecostal leaders in the past few years. It is improbable that these manifestations reflect the feelings of the mass of the Pentecostal believers.

scholarly journals Nostalgic Utopianism: The New Zealand Values Party’s 1972 Blueprint

Te Kaharoa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Moon
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
John Stuart Mill ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Material Progress

Although the manifestos or policies of most New Zealand political parties aspire to improve some aspect of the country, few have matched the Values Party’s 1972 Blueprint for the utopian form and extent of the changes it promised to being into effect. And unlike the policies of most other New Zealand political parties in the twentieth century, the Values Party proposed that material progress ought to be stopped at some point, echoing the notion of the stationary state which John Stuart Mill devised in 1848.   However, the Blueprint’s distinctly utopian orientation was not only necessarily subversive of the political status quo in the country, but simultaneously rejected the past and present in favour of a radically transformed future, while (seemingly paradoxically) drawing on a nostalgic interpretation of aspects of New Zealand’s colonial era as a thematic source of its utopian construct for the country. This article examines these dimensions of the Blueprint, and how the inherent flaws in practically all utopian movements similarly undermined the Values Party’s programme for a utopian New Zealand.

Lord Willoughby de Broke and the Politics of Radical Toryism, 1909-1914

1980 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 205-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory D. Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Resistance To Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
National Review ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Figure

In the midst of the political controversies of the early twentieth century, Lord Willoughby de Broke, a landed aristocrat with little parliamentary experience, emerged as a major political figure. An ally of the Chamberlains, Lord Milner, Sir Edward Carson, and Leo Maxse, editor of the National Review, he became a significant spokesman for extreme conservatism. During the Parliament Bill struggle, the battle over the Conservative leadership in the fall of 1911, and the Home Rule crisis, Willoughby de Broke organized the efforts of peers and other Conservatives radically dissatisfied with the direction of British politics. Since 1914 Willoughby de Broke has become a symbol of reaction and traditionalist resistance to change: the fox-hunting nobleman “whose face,” in Dangerfield's wellknown description, “bore a pleasing resemblance to the horse,” and who “was not more than two hundred years behind his time.” Such an analysis, however, is more amusing than accurate. In fact, while Willoughby de Broke's objectives were basically those of a traditional landed aristrocrat, his methods and emphases strongly prefigured those of later rightist politicians, both British and continental: tactics of political democracy could be mastered in order to preserve the status quo.Although Willoughby de Broke often fondly recalled the patriarchical society he had known in his childhood on a great estate, he did not merely attempt to recreate the past. He and his political associates, for all their commitment to conservatism, understood that important adaptations would have to be made to new conditions.

Imaginary Travels in Post- Socialist Mongolia

Inner Asia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-164
Author(s):  
David Bade
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Turn Of The Millennium ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
Bernardo Carvalho

Until recently, when the Mongols have appeared in the world’s literature, they have usually appeared in the persons of chinggis Khaan or Khubilai, or as ‘Mongolian hordes’. Some recent writings are unlike earlier works of the twentieth century, regardless of the political orientation and situation of the writers. In this paper I examine three works published between 1992 and 2003 that exemplify radically different instances of that difference: Mongolski bedeker by Serbian novelist Svetislav Basara; Paměť mojí babičce by czech author Petra Hůlová; and Mongólia by the Brazilian writer Bernardo carvalho. With the certainties and stereotypes of the past discarded in these novels, contemporary Mongolia provides the setting for the authors’ encounters with the strangeness of the world at the turn of the millennium.

scholarly journals Power Politics and the Rule of Law in Post-Dayton Bosnia

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Donais
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Law Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Status

Over the past two decades, therule of law has emerged as a key priority within contemporary peacebuildingefforts. Drawing on examples from post-Dayton Bosnia, this article examines theimpact of rule of law reform efforts on broader patterns of power and politicalauthority in peacebuilding contexts. It suggests that in the case of Bosnia,the use of rule of law strategies to restructure political life has largelyfailed. Thus, despite some notable achievements on the rule of law front, thecore dynamics of Bosnia’s political conflict remain intact, and country’s peaceprocess is as fragile as ever. The article concludes by noting that charting acourse between accepting the political status quo and fundamentallytransforming it requires more nuanced approaches that advance the rule of laweven while accepting its limits as an instrument of deep politicaltransformation.

Political orientation and dominance: Are people on the political right more dominant?

2016 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 113-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jana Grina ◽  
Robin Bergh ◽  
Nazar Akrami ◽  
Jim Sidanius
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Right

scholarly journals The 2020 Presidential Election in Belarus: Erosion of Authoritarian Stability and Re-politicization of Society

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 808-819
Author(s):  
Sofie Bedford
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Fraud ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Current Affairs ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Near Future

AbstractOn August 9, 2020, presidential elections were held in Belarus. Despite blatant electoral fraud and procedural violations, the official results declared Aleksandr Lukashenka reelected for a sixth term. While in the past, even the most obviously fraudulent election results have been followed by an atmosphere of resigned acceptance, this time countless Belarusians took to the streets to contest the results. What made this election different? This analysis of current affairs looks at the 2020 events through the lens of authoritarian consolidation theory, suggesting the unprecedented political mobilization was enabled by erosion in the three pillars of authoritarian stability: repression, cooptation, and legitimation. A majority of the population had been accepting the political status quo out of fear, for social and monetary security provided in exchange for loyalty, or a general understanding that there were no alternatives. Lukashenka did not realize this had largely changed. Nine months later, the foundation of the authoritarian regime is in an even worse shape. The regime’s reliance on repression further counteracts the legitimacy of the system. As a result, it seems it will be difficult for the authorities to re-consolidate authoritarianism, at least in the near future, no matter how the ‘revolution’ unfolds.

scholarly journals Estimating Candidates’ Political Orientation in a Polarized Congress

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Tausanovitch ◽  
Christopher Warshaw
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Domain Specific ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Specific Factors

Over the past decade, a number of new measures have been developed that attempt to capture the political orientation of both incumbent and nonincumbent candidates for Congress, as well as other offices, on the same scale. These measures pose the possibility of being able to answer a host of fundamental questions about political accountability and representation. In this paper, we examine the properties of six recent measures of candidates’ political orientations in different domains. While these measures are commonly viewed as proxies for ideology, each involves very different choices, incentives, and contexts. Indeed, we show that there is only a weak relationship between these measures within party. This suggests that these measures are capturing domain-specific factors rather than just candidates’ ideology. Moreover, these measures do poorly at distinguishing between moderate and extreme roll call voting records within each party. As a result, they fall short when it comes to facilitating empirical analysis of theories of accountability and representation in Congress. Overall, our findings suggest that future research should leverage the conceptual and empirical variation across these measures and avoid assuming they are synonymous with candidates’ ideology.

Terrorism and the Rise of Right-Wing Content in Israeli Books

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamar Mitts
Keyword(s):  
Popular Media ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Attitudinal Change ◽  
World Views ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Right

AbstractIn the past few years the Western world has witnessed a rise in the popularity of right-wing political discourse promoting nationalistic and exclusionary world views. While in many countries such rhetoric has surfaced in mainstream politics only recently, in Israel, right-wing ideology has been popular for almost two decades. Explanations for this phenomenon focus on Israeli citizens’ attitudinal change in the face of exposure to terrorism but largely do not account for why such ideas remain popular over the long term, even after violence subsides. In this study I examine whether the long-lasting prominence of right-wing nationalistic politics in Israel is linked to the perpetuation of right-wing ideology in popular media. Analyzing the content of more than 70,000 published books, I find that content related to the political right has increased in Israeli books after periods of terrorism, a change that has become more pronounced over the years.

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