Terrorism and the Rise of Right-Wing Content in Israeli Books

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamar Mitts

AbstractIn the past few years the Western world has witnessed a rise in the popularity of right-wing political discourse promoting nationalistic and exclusionary world views. While in many countries such rhetoric has surfaced in mainstream politics only recently, in Israel, right-wing ideology has been popular for almost two decades. Explanations for this phenomenon focus on Israeli citizens’ attitudinal change in the face of exposure to terrorism but largely do not account for why such ideas remain popular over the long term, even after violence subsides. In this study I examine whether the long-lasting prominence of right-wing nationalistic politics in Israel is linked to the perpetuation of right-wing ideology in popular media. Analyzing the content of more than 70,000 published books, I find that content related to the political right has increased in Israeli books after periods of terrorism, a change that has become more pronounced over the years.

2019 ◽  
Vol 79 (314) ◽  
pp. 520
Author(s):  
João Décio Passos

O presente ensaio apresenta elementos de análise sobre as relações entre Papa Francisco e a direita política mundializada. Constata as oposições que vem sofrendo o Papa reformador da parte de membros internos da Igreja e da parte de sujeitos externos. A categoria weberiana “afinidade eletiva” é utilizada para desvendar as relações entre esses distintos sujeitos na mesma posição de crítica ao Papa. O tradicionalismo católico e a ultradireita política em ascensão se afinam na mesma postura de preservação dos valores do passado, forma de garantir a unidade ocidental perante os inimigos externos. A noção de ideologia mostra o conteúdo político velado sob os discursos teológicos que desqualificam o Papa como heterodoxo e herético. Abstract: This text presents some elements of analysis about the relations between Pope Francis and the globalized political right-wing. It notes the opposite actions suffered by the reformer Pope from people both inside and outside of Catholic Church. Weber’s category ‘elective affinity’ is used to expose the relations between these distinct subjects in the same critical position of the Pope. The Catholic traditionalism and the rising far-right politics merge in the same position of preserving the past values as a way of ensuring the Western unity in the face of external enemies. The notion of ideology shows the hidden political content under the theological discourses disqualifying Francis as unorthodox and heretical.Keywords: Elective affinity; Ideology; Pope Francis; Politics and Reformation.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Willem van Prooijen ◽  
André P. M. Krouwel

Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.


Author(s):  
Howard J. Booth

Both Damon Galgut’s Arctic Summer and E. M. Forster’s Maurice explore success achieved in the face of society’s hostility to homosexuality. This chapter addresses both novels in terms of allegory and utopian possibility. Whilst Galgut’s adoption of biofiction in Arctic Summer aims to utilize the political and creative possibilities found in early modernist writing, the text’s tight control of narrative form and use of allegory leads to problems – that apparent newness is in fact highly scripted and controlled. Spurred by this consideration of Arctic Summer, a new approach is taken to Maurice that emphasises its openness as a text. The reader is encouraged to engage with issues of interpretation, with Maurice’s own development showing him becoming adept at reading complex, pressured situations. John Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress is seen as an important intertext both for Maurice and the South African Anglophone tradition to which Galgut belongs. Using Walter Benjamin on natural history and allegory the chapter contends that Maurice, whilst maintaining its stress on how long-term same-sex relationships and cross-class love secure meaning in the world, also depicts a world that is always subject to change, loss and ruination.


1924 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-253
Author(s):  
Charles Walston

It is hardly necessary to attempt a definition of what is meant by ‘the classical type’ in the body or in the face. Ordinary people know what they mean when they speak of a ‘classical face,’ ‘regular features,’ or ‘a perfectly made man or woman’ as regards the nude figure. Even though such people may have but a slight familiarity with Greek or Graeco-Roman statues and busts, or have never even actually perceived, themselves, the distinctive characteristics of the classical type, they have had it conveyed to them indirectly through the work of modern artists and illustrators of books or advertisements, or even in the attenuated and vulgarised renderings on chocolate boxes. No doubt we are now living in revolt and reaction against this type of beauty and normality, as in the past there have been periodic reactions against the dominance of the classic types, whether in ‘realistic’ or ‘romantic’ movements, throughout the historical development of art since the classical age. The fact, however, remains, that the standards of proportion and inter-relation between the parts of the body and between the features of the human head, as embodied in the classic type, still determine the taste of, at least, the Western world.


2020 ◽  
pp. 001041402095767
Author(s):  
Max Schaub ◽  
Johanna Gereke ◽  
Delia Baldassarri

Does local exposure to refugees increase right-wing support? This paper studies a case uniquely suited to address this question: the allocation of refugees to the rural hinterlands of eastern Germany during the European refugee crisis. Similar to non-urban regions elsewhere, the area has had minimal previous exposure to foreigners, but distinctively leans towards the political right. Our data comprise electoral outcomes, and individual-level survey and behavioral measures. A policy allocating refugees following strict administrative rules and a matching procedure allow for causal identification. Our measurements confirm the presence of widespread anti-immigrant sentiments. However, these are unaffected by the presence of refugees in respondents’ hometowns: on average, we record null effects for all outcomes, which we interpret as supporting a sociotropic perspective on immigration attitudes. Masked by these overall null findings, we observe convergence: local exposure to refugees appears to have pulled both right- and left-leaning individuals more towards the center.


2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 496-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiří Večerník

The article describes the development of Czech policy after 1989 and the controversies it caused. It first looks at the ambiguous nature of the communist welfare state and then proceeds to outline the theoretical alternatives. After early and energetic changes in the system, stagnation set in around the mid-1990s. Despite some problems, the current performance of the system is satisfactory, but its outlook in terms of long-term efficiency is unsatisfactory, as it will generate a rising debt into the future. In particular, the disadvantaged situation for families, the insufficient work motivation, and the frozen pension system are all causes for concern. The political shift to the right after 2006 ushered in reform measures and new reform plans. While reforms are necessary, their feasibility is uncertain owing to the fragility of the Czech political scene.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-54
Author(s):  
Adam Wielomski

DIALECTICS ‘WE’–‘ALIENS’ IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945 The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. Part I of this text is devoted to defining the concept of the “right” and to present the supporters of the French Revolution and other 19th-century revolutions, their idea of nationalism, the nation-state and sovereignty of the nation. This presentation shows that up to 1890 nationalism is located in the revolutionary left. The first nationalists are Jacobins. The counter-revolutionary right is opposed to nationalism. For this right, nationalism is combined with the idea of empowering nations to the rights of self-determination, which is closely connected with the idea of people’s sovereignty. This situation persists until 1870–1914, when the ideas of national sovereignty are implemented in the politics of the modern states. However, the liberal state does not meet the expectations of nationalists, because it neglects the interests of the nation as the highest value. That is the cause for them moving from the political left to the right part of the political scene, replacing the legitimist right. The latter is annihilated with the decline of aristocracy. In the 19th century, the left is nationalistic and xenophobic. We find clear racist sympathies on the left. The political right does not recognize the right of nations to self-determination, the idea of ethnic boundaries. It is cosmopolitan.


Author(s):  
الجمعي بولعراس (al-Jamie Boulares) ◽  
ناصـر الغالي (Nasser al-Ghaliy)

ملخص البحثكثُر الكلام عن اللغة السياسية والدعائية بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر، وطرأت مصطلحات وتعبيرات وأنماط لغوية جديدة تصادمت فيها مع خلفيات متلقي الخطاب وما تحمله  ذاكرتهم من مدلولات سابقة، ومن ثم، نُسجت خيوط اللغة الجديدة المعاصرة، وظلت بعيدة تراوح ردحا من الزمن محاريب السياسة والإعلام والدعاية، ثم إن  الماسك بزمام التوجه اللغوي المعاصر هو الذي أفلح في احتواء الشارع العربي بحثا عن المفاهيم المختلفة، وفي غياب تنمية لغوية حركية وتبرز هوية قائلها في الزمن، وتتحدى عوائق القواميس الانتقائية والنخبوية والمهمشة للأنا والذات، وبحثا عن مستقبل تتحكم فيه عوامل البقاء اللساني في ظل الصراع الحضاري والفكري والسياسي والاقتصادي وذلك كما نتصور بغربلة الزخم اللغوي العربي لاحتواء الواقع الحضاري للأمة ومستحثات الهزات الاجتماعية لتتأقلم بالمستجدات، ويحتاج هذا جهدا لامتلاك ناصية اللغة الجديدة التي توصف بالتمرد على الماضي، وفي الوقت نفسه تريد أن لا تتجرد منه واللغة الجديدة هي نتاج الحراك اللساني المعاصر، وهي لغة التداول اللغوي ولغة المصطلحات المعاصرة، وهي لغة الدعاية والتعبيرات الاصطلاحية الجديدة ولغة الخطاب السياسي المعاصر. وصل البحث إلى بعض النتائج ومن أهمها: وجوب إعادة قواعد وأنظمة سيميائية للغة الخطاب السياسي، توغل الإعلاميين في المصطلحات والتعابير مثل السياسيين.الكلمات المفتاحية: اللغة العربية-العبارة الاصطلاحية- تلقي العبارة السياسية-سياسة العبارة-لعبة السياسةAbstractThere have been a lot of talks about political language and propaganda after the 11 September incident that had led to the application of new terminologies, expressions and language variations in contrast with what were associated with these words previously in the minds of the recipient. Hence,  new strings of language were woven but nonetheless they remained far from being acquainted with the political and propaganda discourses. The one who is responsible in language policy is the one who is successful in including the language of the streets to explore its various concepts. This is in the absence of the growth of language movements, language personalities, and the challenges of  discovering self-identity and in the efforts to search of the future that is characterized by the elements of language survival in the face of the clashes of civilization, thinking, political and economy. In addition to that, the inner conflicts that are witnessed by the Arab world to adapt to the arising matters and issues. This effort will entail to overcome the new direction in language that is vicious toward the past and at the time try to accommodative to the new and contemporary. The research has concluded that: semiotic rules and regulations of political speech should be reviewed, so as for mass media to penetrate deeply in the technical meanings and expression like the politicians.Keywords: Arabic Language – Terminological phrases –reception of political expressions - politics of phrases – politics games.AbstrakTerdapat banyak perbincangan tentang bahasa politik dan propaganda selepas kejadian 11 September, dan telah timbul pelbagai istilah, pernyataan dan bentuk bahasa baru yang bercanggah dengan pengetahuan latarbelakang pendengar serta apa yang telah mereka fahami sebelum ini.  Ia seperti menenunbah asabaru dan terkini, meninggalkan jarak untuk begitu lama yang mencorakkan pembentukan dasar, perjalanan media dan propaganda. Namun, pihak yang menguasai retraktororientasi linguistic terkini itulah yang akan menentukan kandungan perjalanan bahasa Arab dalam pencarian konsep yang berbeza dengan ketiadaan mobility perkembangan liguistik, seterusnya memartabatkan identity pengguna bahasa tersebut.  Sementara beberapa kamus tertentu yang bersifat elitism dan terpinggir pula mencabar keegoan dan diri. Dalam mencari masa depan, factor lisan bersifat mampu saing memainkan peranan penting dalam aruskonflik tamadun, pemikiran, politik dan ekonomi ini dalam menapis momentum bahasa agar mencaku pirealiti tamadun semasa serta kejutan sosial yang teraruh supaya bersesuaian dengan keadaan semasa. Ini memerlukan kesungguhan penguasaan bahasa baru yang tersimpang dari pada yang dulu, dan pada masa yang sama ia tidak terpisah dari pada yang lama.  Bahasa baru ialah hasil pergerakan bahasa semasa, bahasa perundingan dan bahasa istilah semasa.  Ia adalah bahasa propaganda, pernyataan beristilah yang baru dan bahasa wacana politik semasa.  Antara dapatan penting kajian ialah: semakan semula nahu dan prosidur semantic bagi bahasa wacana politik, pihak media mendalami penggunaan istilah serta pernyataan dalam politik.Kata kunci: Bahasa Arab – pernyataan beristilah – pemahaman pernyataan politik – politik pernyataan – permainan politik


Author(s):  
Ali Riaz

This paper explores the tumultuous political history of Bangladesh since it embarked on democratization process in 1991 after two decades of civilian and military authoritarianism, using the political settlement framework. Political settlement, in this paper is understood as, an agreement among elites and other social forces regarding ‘distribution of benefits supported by its institutions consistent with the distribution of power in the society’ (Khan, 2010). At the political level the arrangement is expected to ensure that the system would not unravel by conflict and violence. In the past decades, the country not only experienced repeated episodes of violence but also hopes of a democratic transformation have faded. Bangladesh has moved towards a non-inclusive political system. The paper argues that the period in question is marked by the emergence and collapse of a political settlement among political elites. It explores the nature and scope of the political settlement that emerged in the 1980s and collapsed by 2010, and demonstrates that by 2014, an exclusionary authoritarian settlement has emerged characterized by a lack of inclusivity and coercive apparatuses’ heightened role. The breakdown of political settlement was predicated by the nature of the settlement, its implications for the elites in the challenger coalition, and the degree of inclusivity of the dominant coalition. The exclusionary political settlement provides a semblance of ‘stability’ for a limited period but fails to contain the tension in the long term even when it delivers economic growth.


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