scholarly journals Recognizing the Needs of Others: Municipal Candidates’ Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivations to Support Immigrants and Religious Minorities

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Scott ◽  
Mike Medeiros

This research examines the influence of political candidates’ personality dispositions and constituency characteristics on their assessments of the needs of immigrants and religious minorities. Previous research, drawing on data from citizens, links personality differences to attitudes toward diversity and support for minority communities. Extending this research to candidates during an ongoing election campaign, this study examines the interaction between constituency diversity and politicians’ intrinsic motivations to recognize the interests of immigrants and religious minorities. Using data from a unique candidate survey during the 2018 municipal elections in two large Canadian provinces (N = 1,073), results show that personality traits provide an intrinsic motivation, independent of candidates’ descriptive characteristics or the level of diversity in their constituency, to recognize a higher level of support needed by members of these diverse communities. More agreeable candidates are consistently more likely to acknowledge that more should be done for immigrants and religious minorities whereas the negative influence of conscientiousness on minority recognition is suppressed in highly diverse constituencies. The results extend previous research on personality and intergroup dynamics and situate candidates’ recognition of the needs of others as an important antecedent to political representation.

Author(s):  
MAX SCHAUB

How does poverty influence political participation? This question has interested political scientists since the early days of the discipline, but providing a definitive answer has proved difficult. This article focuses on one central aspect of poverty—the experience of acute financial hardship, lasting a few days at a time. Drawing on classic models of political engagement and novel theoretical insights, I argue that by inducing stress, social isolation, and feelings of alienation, acute financial hardship has immediate negative effects on political participation. Inference relies on a natural experiment afforded by the sequence of bank working days that causes short-term financial difficulties for the poor. Using data from three million individuals, personal interviews, and 1,100 elections in Germany, I demonstrate that acute financial hardship reduces both turnout intentions and actual turnout. The results imply that the financial status of the poor on election day can have important consequences for their political representation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Victoria Mason

This article compares the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Britain and Australia, from 1989 to 2001, as a foundation for assessing the extent to which the upsurge of Islamophobia after 11 September was a development of existing patterns of racism in these two countries. The respective histories of immigration and settlement by Muslim populations are outlined, along with the relevant immigration and ‘ethnic affairs’ policies and the resulting demographics. The article traces the ideologies of xenophobia that developed in Britain and Australia over this period. It records a transition from anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism to anti-Muslim racism, reflected in and responding to changes in the identities and cultural politics of the minority communities. It outlines instances of the racial and ethnic targeting by the state of the ethnic and religious minorities concerned, and postulates a causal relationship between this and the shifting patterns of acts of racial hatred, vilification and discrimination.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 475-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Heizmann ◽  
Anne Busch-Heizmann ◽  
Elke Holst

In this article, the influence of immigrant occupational composition on the earnings of immigrants and natives in Germany is examined. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study and the German Microcensus, several relevant concepts are tested. The notion of quality sorting states that the differences in wages that are associated with the immigrant share within occupations are due only to differences in qualification requirements. Cultural devaluation assumes a negative influence over and above that of quality sorting. The findings indicate that both processes are at work. Additional analyses reveal that the impact of immigrant occupational composition is largely restricted to white-collar occupations, which underlines the importance of considering historical differences between occupation types in classic migration destinations such as Germany.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (8) ◽  
pp. 1092-1101 ◽  
Author(s):  
José MA Wijnands ◽  
Feng Zhu ◽  
Elaine Kingwell ◽  
Yinshan Zhao ◽  
Okechukwu Ekuma ◽  
...  

Background: The multiple sclerosis (MS) prodrome is poorly characterized. Objective: To phenotype the MS prodrome via health care encounters. Methods: Using data from a population-based cohort study linking administrative and clinical data in four Canadian provinces, we compared physician and hospital encounters and prescriptions filled (via International Classification of Diseases chapters, physician specialty or drug classes) for MS subjects in the 5 years before the first demyelinating claim in an administrative cohort or the clinical symptom onset in an MS clinic-derived cohort, to age-, sex- and geographically matched controls. Rate ratios (RRs), 95% confidence intervals (95% CIs) and proportions were estimated. Results: The administrative and clinical cohorts included 13,951/66,940 and 3202/16,006 people with and without MS (cases/controls). Compared to controls, in the 5 years before the first demyelinating claim or symptom onset, cases had more physician and hospital encounters for the nervous (RR (range) = 2.31; 95% CI: 1.05–5.10 to 4.75; 95% CI: 3.11–7.25), sensory (RR (range) = 1.40; 95% CI: 1.34–1.46 to 2.28; 95% CI: 1.72–3.02), musculoskeletal (RR (range) = 1.19; 95% CI: 1.07–1.33 to 1.70; 95% CI: 1.57–1.85) and genito-urinary systems (RR (range) = 1.17; 95% CI: 1.05–1.30 to 1.59; 95% CI: 1.48–1.70). Cases had more psychiatrist and urologist encounters (RR (range) = 1.48; 95% CI: 1.36–1.62 to 1.80; 95% CI: 1.61–2.01), and higher proportions of musculoskeletal, genito-urinary or hormonal-related prescriptions (1.1–1.5 times higher, all p < 0.02). However, cases had fewer pregnancy-related encounters than controls (RR = 0.78; 95% CI: 0.71–0.86 to 0.88; 95% CI: 0.84–0.92). Conclusion: Phenotyping the prodrome 5 years before clinical recognition of MS is feasible.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
DeeDee M. Bennett, PhD

Women and racial/ethnic minorities have long been underrepresented in the field of emergency management. This is true for both practice and research. The lack of women and racial/ethnic minorities in the profession and their perceived absence in research or scholarly study may have impacts on the effectiveness of response and recovery efforts as well as the broader scientific knowledge within the field. Historically, women and racial/ethnic minority communities have disproportionately experienced negative impacts following disasters. Earlier related studies have pointed to the underrepresentation as a contributing factor in community vulnerability. The scarcity of women in practice and as students in this field has been particularly evident in the United States. Using data from a recent survey of emergency management programs nationwide, this article reviews the concerns in research with regards to women and ethnic minority communities during disasters, efforts to increase representation of these groups in the field, and discusses the implications for practice, policy, and future research. The findings show that women have a strong presence in emergency management programs nationwide, and while specific data on racial and ethnic minorities are lacking, the observed increases reported in this article encourages further study.


Author(s):  
A. Vijay Kumar

India has a great pressure to meet its food and other domestic need. The enormous increase in population despite of the decelerate in the increase rate of the population and significant income growth, insist an additional 2.5 million tons of food grains per annum according to the Agriculture policy: Vision 2020 document prepared by the Indian Agriculture Research Institute, New Delhi. The most needed food grains production in Indian is much less than that in the other areas of the world. Considering that the frontiers of expansion of cultivated area are almost closed in the region, the future increase in food production to meet the continuing high demand must come from the increase in yield. The factors that generally promote yield in India are fertilizer nutrients consumed, rainfall, temperature, pesticides sprayed, moisture in the air, moisture in the soil and humidity etc. Here an attempt is made to know the influence of the fertilizer nutrients consumed on the tur crop yield in India using data mining techniques so for which a dataset is prepared with the tur yield, fertilizer nutrients consumed like, Nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium which are collected from the secondary sources like Department of agriculture and Cooperation, India and Fertilizer statistics, Fertilizer Association of India. The experiment results proved that there is an extremely negligible negative influence on the fertilizer nutrients consumed in India, during the study period


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-186
Author(s):  
Zsombor Csata ◽  
Roman Hlatky ◽  
Amy H. Liu ◽  
Ariel Pitre Young

Abstract The territoriality principle stipulates that minority communities in a given territory should be linguistically accommodated. What are the economic effects of this principle? In this paper, we argue that the recognition of multiple languages confers respect on the minority group; it allows people to engage and participate meaningfully in society – thereby facilitating economic well-being. There is, however, a caveat: when recognition happens in areas where the minority is the overwhelming majority, there is a risk that the near-exclusive use of the minority language cuts the community off from the larger national state, which in turn stunts development. To test this, we focus on Transylvania, Romania. We leverage a legal stipulation that recognizes minority languages in areas where the minority constitutes more than 20% of the population. Using data at the municipal level, we find that recognition increases economic well-being in general – but not in areas where the minority are numerically dominant. Our results are normatively welcoming, but they also caution governments not simply to recognize minority languages but also to protect them adequately.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Jug Vranić

The personality traits of political candidates, and the way these are perceived by the public at large, matter for political representation and electoral behavior. Disentangling the effects of partisanship and perceived personality on candidate evaluations is however notoriously a tricky business, as voters tend to evaluate the personality of candidates based on their partisan preferences. In this article we tackle this issue via innovative experimental data. We present what is, to the best of our knowledge, the first study that manipulates the personality traits of a candidate and assesses its subsequent effects. The design, embedded in an online survey distributed to a convenience sample of US respondents (MTurk, N = 1,971), exposed respondents randomly to one of eight different “vignettes” presenting personality cues for a fictive candidate - one vignette for each of the five general traits (Big Five) and the three “nefarious” traits of the Dark Triad. Our results show that 1) the public at large dislikes “dark” politicians, and rate them significantly and substantially lower in likeability; 2) voters that themselves score higher on “dark” personality traits (narcissism, psychopathy, Machiavellianism) tend to like dark candidates, in such a way that the detrimental effect observed in general is completely reversed for them; 3) the effects of candidates’ personality traits are, in some cases, stronger for respondents displaying a weaker partisan attachment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-64
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Chiwetalu Ossai

How does religion influence health? Responses to this question have shown that religious beliefs could have positive and negative effects on people's health. This paper focuses on religion's influence on how believers perceive and deal with diseases, and it aims to contribute to the debate by considering how COVID-19 was interpreted in Sub-Saharan Africa's Nigeria, which has been regarded as very religious, partly because the majority of her citizens identify as Christians or Muslims. It explores perceptions of COVID-19 in the country using data collected between March and May 2020, from (a) in-depth interviews with Christians in various states in the southern part of the country, (b) Facebook polls and (c) articles and readers' comments on the websites of Nigeria's Punch and Vanguard Newspapers. The findings corroborate the notion that (a) religion could have a negative influence on people's views about, and responses to, diseases, and that (b) religious organisations could serve as helpful partners in the fight against diseases. However, the data also demonstrate how the religious responses occurred within a context of political failure, which, in turn, is a major threat to public health in Nigeria. This suggests that to understand and successfully deal with the negative religious and cultural views about diseases in societies where such unhelpful relationships exist, it may be useful to consider how wider political and socio-economic realities help to shape those perceptions or the preference for religious sources of interpretation and healing.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 489-509
Author(s):  
Su-Hyun Lee

Why do some declining industries receive more compensation through protectionist policies than others, even without actively engaging in lobbying? How does the political representation of industries affect their chances for protectionist relief? This paper argues that political parties seek to optimize electoral returns through the strategic allocation of distributive benefits generated by trade barriers. The inter-industry structure of protection is thus explained by the interaction between industries’ trade preferences and political characteristics. Using data on protection and subnational employment for US industries and district-level election outcomes in the 1990s, this paper finds that the concentration of industries in competitive constituencies not only increases their chances of receiving higher tariffs, but also magnifies the marginal effect of comparative disadvantage on tariff and nontariff protection.


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