scholarly journals Campaigning in Quebec Municipal Elections: When the Party Defines Door to Door Canvassing as “The Right Way” to Campaign

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Mévellec

Electoral campaigns are one of the key moments in political life. Yet, there is little Canadian work on this subject when it comes to municipal elections. However, the international literature on campaigning provides an opportunity for useful questions on the transformations of this aspect of local political life by bringing together political sociology and electoral sociology. That being said in this context, we present the results of an exploratory case study of campaigning in a municipal political party in a Canadian city, more specifically situated in the Province of Quebec. Municipal political parties are usually considered as electoral machines. It is therefore important to study in detail the way these organizations conduct election campaigns. More specifically, we are looking to explore how municipal political parties influence the campaign by providing electoral techniques. To achieve this, we closely examine the door to door canvassing strategy, which hints at what the party considers a “good campaigning” standard and helps us observe the behaviours of candidates and the different ways they fulfill the party’s requirements. It is therefore not a question of measuring the effectiveness of partisan electoral devices but of understanding how the party produces campaigning norms and puts them to work. The results presented here offer an original insight into the internal workings of a municipal political party—something that has never before been documented in the Canadian context. First, they help to open the black box that is municipal political parties and to better understand their internal modus operandi. Second, the results illustrate that election campaigning is still fundamentally based on one-on-one encounters.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.


1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.


Author(s):  
Ya. Kupchik

In the article on the basis of analysis of the archived materials and magazine municipal elections are reflected to Kiev city thought, that happened on July, 23 1917. By Author the opinion is expressed, that experience of these elections may need during election in local advices in modern Ukraine. At the same time the short review of scientific development of problem is carried out. It is found out, that the Ukrainian historian until now examined only the separate aspects of elections to Kiev city thought in 1917 the electoral legislation which regulated organization and conducting of city elections is analysed. It is found out, that elections took place on the basis of electoral law common, direct, even and secret. According to the proportional system of elections (slates from political parties, public associations, professional organizations or their blocks) elected 120 vowel, plenary powers of which were to be halted the quantity of electors, their social origin and appearance, is on January, 1 of 1919. Set on elections. It is certain, that in elections 65% from the common amount of the persons conferred the right the choice took part. In the article it is indicated about more political of election company. It is noticed, that candidates accented attention on the "matter of revolution", instead of improvement of city economy. The electorate of political parties and blocks which conducted to city thought of the vowel is explored. It is marked, that a "socialistic block" was supported by poor layers which lived on the outskirts of city. The results of city elections and new composition of Kiev city thought are found out. Won over a "socialistic block" (44 delegates) on elections, the "Ukrainian block" (USDRP-UPSR) which conducted in advice 24 delegates went farther. The third place was occupied by monarchists (18 delegates). Represented bolshevists in advice only 7 delegates.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Galih Raka Siwi ◽  
Reviansyah Erlianto ◽  
Maharani Nurdin

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.


Author(s):  
Jean-Jacques Lambin

Several socio-economic mutations and technological breakthrough innovations are currently modifying the competitive environment and the functioning of today’s economies. Referring to the right versus left political spectrum prevailing in democratic countries, most political parties would probably agree on these constitutive principles, even if their implementation in the real political life can be very different.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09008
Author(s):  
Hidayat Sardini Nur ◽  
Fitriyah

This research tries to highlight the phenomena of “an empty box” and society resistance to oligharchy formation in the regional election of Pati in 2017. Its aims are to find out the underlying factors, and other factors trigerring the existence of “an empty box” and society resistence. This research is qualitative with a case study method. The data was gained by interviewing informants deeply, and collecting secondary data. The results of research show that there are various models of general election with a single candidate, and various local society resistence to political oligarchy practices and formation also appear. Further, the weaknesses of political party recruitment as the sources of leadership and the greed of political elites are also revealed. Knowing the findings, a good arrangement to improve the function of political parties should be done. Then, for the future research the roles of oligarchy in regions as one of ways to control local political actors can be studied.


Author(s):  
Milena B. Methodieva

One of the most important goals was to encourage Muslims to participate in politics in the name of higher patriotic ideals. The Bulgarian political context presented opportunities and obstacles. Bulgaria was a parliamentary electoral democracy and Muslims became involved in political life from the very beginning. Although some Bulgarians were skeptical about Muslims participation in elections and the national assembly, Bulgarian political parties routinely courted Muslim votes. Certain prominent reformist figures argued for the establishment of a Muslim political party which would be the only proper advocate of Muslim interests, however, such ambitions were not realized. At the same time, reformers contested the position of the established Muslim leadership resorting to common tactics popular in the local political environment. The chapter looks at some of the major campaigns launched by Muslim reformers, as well as the actions of their Muslim adversaries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 372-387
Author(s):  
Zeynep Tuğçe ÖZTÜRK ◽  
Nurgün KOÇ

In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ishiyama ◽  
Anna Batta

How do the features of a rebel group and the external political environment interact to affect the internal dynamics within a rebel group after it transforms into a political party? In this paper we combine literature on organizational change in parties in new democracies with the emerging literature on rebel group-to-party transformation, to develop a framework by which to understand these dynamics. Using the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) as a case study, we find that the legacies of the conflict, the organizational legacies of the rebel group, and the post civil war incentives for electoral gain, create political cleavages within parties that generate considerable organizational centripetal pressures, pressures that will need to be accommodated in new party organizational structures.


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