scholarly journals The IDF Military Rabbi: Between a “Kohen Anointed for War” and a “Religious Services Provider”

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aharon (roni) Kampinsky

Military rabbis in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are an integral part of the army and currently posted in almost all army units. The role of the military rabbi has undergone fundamental changes since the founding of the State and the IDF, most notably in the past generation. While the formal definition of the military rabbi’s role has remained relatively stable; in practice it has undergone dramatic changes on the backdrop of processes in the IDF Military Rabbinate and in the religious-Zionist sector in Israel. Whereas in the past military rabbis were viewed as religious service providers, during the term of Chief Military Rabbi Rontzky (2010–2016) they viewed themselves in the role of a “Kohen anointed for war” (Meshuach Milchama). Harking back to the biblical description of the Kohanim who strengthen the people at a time of war, this military figure is entrusted with strengthening soldiers, morally and spiritually, before they go into battle. Nonetheless, a return to the religious services provider model can be discerned in recent years, mainly in response to the contention of religionization in the military. The article focuses on the changing role of the IDF military rabbi and identifies three major explanatory factors of these changes: (a) Differences between the formative period of the IDF Military Rabbinate and later periods; (b) Demographic changes in the composition of the IDF, mainly the growing number of soldiers from the national-religious sector; (c) The changing character of the Chief Military Rabbi’s background which affected the nature of the military rabbi’s role. The article aims to show that the Military Rabbinate has not been immune to the struggle over the collective Jewish identity of the State of Israel, and its underlying processes reflect the complexity and diversity of Israeli society.

Author(s):  
Amichai Cohen ◽  
Eyal Ben-Ari

This chapter describes how increased juridification and demands to apply international humanitarian law (IHL) have influenced the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). The authors analyze the IDF’s compliance with IHL and other legal frameworks through a multilevel and multidimensional model of military compliance describing the law and external institutions involved in applying it. The past decades have seen the relatively autonomous sphere of the military increasingly come under judicial overview. Judicial and international pressures have also increased the role of the operational legal advisors. The chapter ends by discussing the ceremonies intended to promote compliance with IHL involving soldiers and junior officers. It is based on interviews (with Israeli academic experts, members of nongovernmental organizations [NGOs], and military commanders), off-the-record conversations with members of the IDF’s Military Advocate General, and newspaper articles, reports of NGOs, and secondary material.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn L. Rothe ◽  
Scott Maggard

This article provides an overview of post-conflict justice (PCJ) as well as a detailed analysis of factors that impede or facilitate the implementation of mechanisms to address the atrocities of a conflict. Grounded in an extensive new dataset, developed over the past three years, covering all conflicts in Africa between 1946 and 2009, we extend previous research by including empirical testing of previously untested assumptions and variables impacting PCJ, most notably, the role of power, politics, economics, and geo-strategic interests at the state and international political levels as well as combining previously tested variables amongst and between each other. Further, the aspects of PCJ, including conflicts where mechanisms were not deployed are included in the analysis along with those coded as symbolic in nature. We conclude by discussing the pragmatic issues associated with testing the concept of realpolitik and policy implications based on our analysis.


1967 ◽  
Vol 71 (677) ◽  
pp. 342-343
Author(s):  
F. H. East

The Aviation Group of the Ministry of Technology (formerly the Ministry of Aviation) is responsible for spending a large part of the country's defence budget, both in research and development on the one hand and production or procurement on the other. In addition, it has responsibilities in many non-defence fields, mainly, but not exclusively, in aerospace.Few developments have been carried out entirely within the Ministry's own Establishments; almost all have required continuous co-operation between the Ministry and Industry. In the past the methods of management and collaboration and the relative responsibilities of the Ministry and Industry have varied with time, with the type of equipment to be developed, with the size of the development project and so on. But over the past ten years there has been a growing awareness of the need to put some system into the complex business of translating a requirement into a specification and a specification into a product within reasonable bounds of time and cost.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
Vitalii E. Boldyrev ◽  

The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.


2020 ◽  
pp. 360-374
Author(s):  
Evgeny V. Igumnov

The activities of military topographers in Western Siberia to provide cartographic information on the foreign and domestic policies of the Russian Empire in Central Asia and Siberia in the 19th century are considered in the article. The role of information in the formation of the Russian Empire is emphasized. The contribution of the state to the organization of the study of the Asian regions of Russia and neighboring countries is noted. The establishment of the military topographic service in Western Siberia can be traced taking into account data on administrative transformations in the Siberian region, and on changes in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The participation of military topographers in determining and designating the state border with China is described in detail. The question of the role of military topographers in the scientific study of China and Mongolia is raised. The significance of the activities of military topographers for the policy of the Russian Empire on the socio-economic development of Siberia and the north-eastern part of the territory of modern Kazakhstan is revealed. The contribution of topographers to the construction of the Trans-Siberian railway, the design of river channels and new land routes is revealed. A large amount of literary sources, materials on the work of military topographers of Western Siberia, published in “Notes of the Military Topographic Department of the General Staff” is used in the article.


Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


Author(s):  
Santiago Stucchi-Portocarrero 3 ◽  
Jessica Raquel PÉREZ-ANDRADE 1* ◽  
Humberto MALDONADO-RUIZ 2

Violence against women occurs in all latitudes, countries and cultures, and represents a public health problem. In Peru there is currently a wave of extreme violence against women, which must be understood as a very recurrent phenomenon, but not sufficiently reflected. Citizen movements from social networks and civil society have manifested the alarming number of occurrences of this problem and the media evidence more and more cases of women being violated and even killed with mechanisms as cruel as incineration. This article reflects on the role of the State and health institutions in the attention of violence against women and how through the discourse of hegemonic masculinity, as well as that of the pathologization of the victimizer, can even encourage its perpetuation. This analysis includes those components related to the professional training of health service providers and provides some ideas to improve the sociocultural understanding of the phenomenon of violence against women.


1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-360
Author(s):  
Robert Pinkney

WE TAKE IT FOR GRANTED THAT THE SURVIVAL OF THE STATE DEPENDS on democratic consent. With the demise of Marxism and fascism, Diamond suggests that, apart from Islamic fundamentalism, democracy is the only model with ideological legitimacy. And Fukuyama asserts that ‘the democratic transitions of the past generation could not have occurred had not populations around the world finally become conscious of the fact that liberal democracy alone provides the possibility of fully rational recognition of human dignity’.


2011 ◽  
Vol 93 (884) ◽  
pp. 1193-1210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Walker ◽  
Catherine Russ

AbstractThe humanitarian enterprise has grown in size and complexity over the past generation. Modern systems of scrutiny and accountability demand a higher level of accountability than ever before, both to programme beneficiaries and to donors. This, we believe, puts pressure on the system to become more professional and on aid workers to consider the establishment of a formal profession of humanitarian aid. This article reports on research carried out to test this hypothesis and on an approach that is presently being used to establish the necessary components of a professional system.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (S24) ◽  
pp. 213-241
Author(s):  
M. Erdem Kabadayi

AbstractIn most cases, and particularly in the cases of Greece and Turkey, political transformation from multinational empire to nation state has been experienced to a great extent in urban centres. In Ankara, Bursa, and Salonica, the cities selected for this article, the consequences of state-making were drastic for all their inhabitants; Ankara and Bursa had strong Greek communities, while in the 1840s Salonica was the Jewish metropolis of the eastern Mediterranean, with a lively Muslim community. However, by the 1940s, Ankara and Bursa had lost almost all their non-Muslim inhabitants and Salonica had lost almost all its Muslims. This article analyses the occupational structures of those three cities in the mid-nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, tracing the role of the state as an employer and the effects of radical political change on the city-level historical dynamics of labour relations.


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