scholarly journals Public Strategy and Eco-Social Engagement in Latin American States: An Analysis of Complex Networks Arising from Their Constitutions

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
pp. 8558
Author(s):  
Arturo Luque González ◽  
Fernando Casado Gutiérrez

Over the past four decades, Latin American states have drafted relatively new constitutions in comparison with other regions of the world. These transformations, in some cases, have helped governments leave behind the former authoritarian regimes, or in others, have simply established a more democratic system incorporating a forward-looking approach to rights. For example, stronger individual and collective rights have been forged, together with new avenues for citizen participation. Certainly, many of the new constitutions grant a much broader base of rights, including collective political and territorial rights for indigenous communities, protections against ethnic, racial, and gender discrimination, and greater guarantees of privacy and control over information. Consequently, some Latin American constitutions are held up as among the best in the world. For this study, the constitutional texts of 22 Latin American countries were analyzed with the aim of understanding their regulatory changes and impacts, pointing out the existing inequalities they address, as well as the clear positive trend established in terms of the generation of greater social engagement.

Author(s):  
Elena F. GLADUN ◽  
Gennady F. DETTER ◽  
Olga V. ZAKHAROVA ◽  
Sergei M. ZUEV ◽  
Lyubov G. VOZELOVA

Developing democracy institutions and citizen participation in state affairs, the world community focuses on postcolonial studies, which allow us to identify new perspectives, set new priorities in various areas, in law and public administration among others. In Arctic countries, postcolonial discourse has an impact on the methodology of research related to indigenous issues, and this makes possible to understand specific picture of the world and ideas about what is happening in the world. Moreover, the traditions of Russian state and governance are specific and interaction between indigenous peoples and public authorities should be studied with a special research methodology which would reflect the peculiarities of domestic public law and aimed at solving legal issue and enrich public policy. The objective of the paper is to present a new integrated methodology that includes a system of philosophical, anthropological, socio-psychological methods, as well as methods of comparative analysis and scenario development methods to involve peripheral communities into decision-making process of planning the socio-economic development in one of Russia’s Arctic regions — the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District and to justify and further legislatively consolidate the optimal forms of interaction between public authorities and indigenous communities of the North. In 2020, the Arctic Research Center conducted a sociological survey in the Shuryshkararea of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District, which seems to limit existing approaches to identifying public opinion about prospects for developing villages and organizing life of their residents. Our proposed methodology for taking into account the views of indigenous peoples can help to overcome the identified limitations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle M. Reynald

This conceptual article focuses on the potential to advance and extend guardianship using new digital crime prevention applications that have been developed as a consequence of technological advancements in communication and social engagement. The new opportunity structure for informal guardianship through active citizen participation and involvement in crime prevention and control efforts using the Internet and smartphones is discussed to emphasize how this has changed in the digital age. Specifically, the article highlights how the fundamental tenets of guardianship (i.e., what it means to be available, how supervision or monitoring is carried out and ways of intervening) have evolved due to neighborhood watch/community safety mobile applications. Based on what we have learned about guardianship, this article considers the potential for these digital crime prevention applications to extend and support guardianship. It also assesses these applications critically by highlighting some of the concerns and risks that need to be considered amid the proliferation of these new platforms for crime control. The article concludes by weighing up the pros and cons with a view to focusing on key issues in the continued development of such applications so their potential can be maximized.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-416
Author(s):  
Tafadzwa Pasipanodya

In the 1960s, all Latin American member states of the World Bank rejected a resolution recommending an international agreement that would create a center for arbitration in which private foreign investors could settle their disputes with member states. Nevertheless, the resolution was approved and the icsid Convention was born. Ironically, Latin American states – which later became party to the icsid Convention – have had to defend themselves against more expropriation claims before icsid than any other region. This paper analyzes these expropriation claims with a twofold goal. First, to highlight the cases against Latin American states that have been most influential in defining expropriation. And, second, to draw attention to those cases that have revived apprehension about Latin American states’ consent to be adjudged by icsid tribunals.


Author(s):  
Vasant Kaiwar

Ranajit Guha is one of the best-known and most innovative historians of modern India. The bulk of his best-known work was published between 1981 and 2002. The main historiographical issues that appear in his work include (a) the colonial appropriation of the Indian past and its representation as a “highly interesting portion of British history,” which together with the force of colonial conquest added up in Guha’s terminology to a colonial expropriation of Indian history; (b) the complicity of all branches of colonialist knowledge in the fact or force of conquest; (c) British rule in India as a “dominance without hegemony,” in which the moment of coercion outweighed the moment of persuasion by contrast with western Europe; (d) an Indian historiography of India that attempts to redress the expropriation of Indian history and make “the Indian people, constituted as a nation, the subject of their own history”; (e) a subaltern historiography that identifies the limitations of the mainstream Indian historiography of India and the need to pay attention to the “neglected dimension of subaltern autonomy in action, consciousness and culture,” the “contribution made by the people on their own”; and (f) a historiography that goes beyond “statism” to the everyday being-in-the-world of ordinary people, countering the pretensions of the “prose of world-history” with the “prose of the world.” These issues recur in various forms and combinations in Guha’s books and essays, notably the ones he contributed to Subaltern Studies, an edited series that he launched in 1982. The theoretical influences on Guha’s work are not limited to Marxism and its many offshoots. Guha used the concept of “subaltern” to signify anyone in India who did not belong to the “elite” and therefore included peasants, workers, impoverished landlords, and others whose behavior exhibited a combination of defiance and deference to the elite. It has many points of contact with Gramsci’s work. Guha drew freely on the philosophy of Hegel and Heidegger, Bengali literature, notably the works of Rabindranath Tagore, not to mention semiotics, linguistics, structuralism, and poststructuralism, the objective being not theoretical monism or purity but the mobilization of a wide range of references to shed light on history’s dark corners. The eclectic richness, if not elusiveness, of the concept of “subaltern” and Guha’s deployment of it in various forms to speak to caste, class, and gender issues has perhaps inspired its wider diffusion for rethinking the history of popular consciousness and mobilization in fields as far apart as Asian, African, and Latin American history.


Author(s):  
Marisol D'Andrea

The absence of Latin American women in positions of authority and power is indicative of the career limitations they face. This paper examines the leadership experiences of Latin American women who are leaders and reside in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA). I apply a decolonial feminism approach and the concept of intersectionality to examine the intersection of race, gender, and class. Also, I employ qualitative research using 10 in-depth semi-structured, individual interviews. I find that current Latin American women leaders still face barriers that prevent them from continuing their advancement in leadership positions. These barriers include racial and gender discrimination, negative stereotypes, scarcity of networks and mentors, and the struggle to achieve a work-life balance.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 895-918
Author(s):  
MARISSA LÓPEZ

In March and April of 2008, emo youth in Mexican and Latin American metropoles were vulnerable to violent, physical attacks, which the world witnessed, aghast, via YouTube. Journalists, pundits, and cultural commentators around the globe wondered, first, how to define “emo”; second, how to explain its presence in Mexico and Latin America; and third, whence such a violent reaction? This essay tackles those questions, and tries to think through emo to something more than the post-NAFTA angst to which it has been commonly ascribed in the US and Mexican media. Tracing a route from US Chicano punk and new wave, to Mexico's self-proclaimed emo youth, to Myriam Gurba's short fiction featuring southern California's Chicana dyke-punk communities, I ask how emo travels, and how these highly self-conscious and very public performances of affect speak to the intersections of race and gender in twenty-first-century Latin@ and Latin American youth culture.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo Munarriz

AbstractRelying on critical legal approaches, in particular TWAIL and the work of Indigenous scholars, this paper analyzes the extent to which the World Bank's notion of "development" and its promotion of the expansion of market-based legal reforms in Latin American countries have benefited transnational corporations (TNCs) to the detriment of Indigenous Peoples. It argues that the World Bank's policy-based lending programmes and market-oriented legal framework since 1980 have contributed to an expansion of corporate mining activities, which have caused not only forced displacement and further impoverishment of numerous Indigenous communities but have also directly contributed to the destruction of their cultures and the environment they inhabit. Furthermore, the World Bank's normative operational policies and practices on issues affecting Indigenous Peoples have provided a legal framework and mechanisms that "manage" affected Indigenous communities in ways that further the dispossession of their lands and natural resources.


2015 ◽  

Gender discrimination continues to be a reality in several parts of the world, also in Europe. The aim of this book is to provide an overview of both European Union’s (EU) gender policies and gender balance in EU institutions. It does so by looking at gender equality policies and the EU legal system concerning gender equality, women’s representation within diff erent institutions (and more particularly in the European External Action Service), gender rights as a type of human rights and the EU’s role in the external promotion of womens’ rights in third countries. The analysis shows that women’s representation in the EU institutions has increased in the last decades and that the EU has strengthened its att ention to gender rights in its external relations as well, however the results of both att empts are far from being fully satisfactory.


Author(s):  
Carlos Garrido López

La revocación del mandato ha sido, hasta hace unas décadas, un mecanismo de democracia directa poco extendido y apenas usado fuera de EE.UU. La crisis de la representación y del sistema de partidos que padecieron varios países latinoamericanos condujo, sin embargo, a reparar en la revocación del mandato como una vía adicional de participación y control de los ciudadanos que podría estimular la receptividad y la responsabilidad de las autoridades electas. Y de ser una institución apenas conocida, la revocación se ha extendido a varios de los países latinoamericanos más importantes, al punto de convertirse en una de las señas distintivas de la región. En este trabajo se realiza un estudio comparado de la revocación del mandato en Argentina, Colombia y Perú, donde se ha limitado a las autoridades regionales y locales. Se analizan, asimismo, la revocación de los diputados y autoridades locales por decisión de los partidos y a iniciativa y votación popular en Panamá; la revocación en Ecuador, Venezuela y Bolivia, donde la institución se ha extendido a todos los cargos electos, incluido el presidente de la República; y la revocación del presidente y de los gobernadores de los entes federados en México tras la reforma constitucional impulsada en 2019 por López Obrador. El trabajo concluye con un balance de los diseños institucionales de la revocación del mandato, en el que se subraya la tensión existente entre el proyecto normativo y sus condiciones de realización.The recall was, until recent decades, a tool of direct democracy that was hardly known or used outside the United States. However, the crisis of representation and of the party system that several Latin American countries suffered led to recover the recall as an additional form of citizen participation and control that could boost receptivity and responsibility of elected authorities. In only three decades, the recall has moved from being barely known to spreading to the most important Latin American countries and becoming one of the distinctive features of the region. In this work we present a comparative study of the recall in Argentina, Colombia and the Republic of Peru, where it was limited to regional and local authorities. We also analyse the recall of local legislators and authorities by decision of the political parties and popular vote in Panama; the recall in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia, where this institution has spread to all elected offices, including the president of the republic; and the recall of the president and governors of the federal entities of Mexico after the constitutional reform promoted by López Obrador. This work ends by assessing the institutional designs of the recall, where we emphasize the tension between draft legislation and its conditions for implementation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Götsch

Today, cities the world over are entangled in aspirational future visions, as regions compete with others in different parts of the world for investment, tourists, and talent to guarantee economic growth. This paper approaches the cities of Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, and Vienna via their self-presentations and projections of the future. It sees cities as learning assemblages and pays attention to the narrative construction of imaginaries and future trajectories, as depicted in the respective city galleries and planning museums. All cities are found to be entangled in international policy trends and, in their unique ways, strive for recognition, competitiveness, and conviviality. Singapore emerges as torn between ambition, transparency, and control, while wanting to foster creativity and revive its cultural heritage; Kuala Lumpur appears simultaneously geared by boosterism and at home in opacity and multiplicity, privileging Malays while trying not to alienate other ethnic groups; and Vienna ambivalently projects a future that reconciles nostalgia for monarchic splendor and the social-democratic heritage of egalitarian urbanism with ambitions for international recognition and newly popular trends for citizen participation and “rights to the city.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document