scholarly journals DIREITOS SEXUAIS E REPRODUTIVOS E LAICIDADE DO ESTADO

Numen ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonel Piovezana
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
Sexual Rights ◽  
The West ◽  
The Family ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Pro Life ◽  
Life Movement

RESUMOA hegemonia jurídica do terreno da sexualidade e da reprodução sempre foi disputada pelas religiões e pelo poder político. No Ocidente, com a constituição dos Estados laicos (século XVIII e XIX), deu-se a separação entre Estado e Igreja, sendo esta consignada em suas Cartas Magnas. Mas a disputa em torno das normas que regem o exercício da sexualidade e da reprodução continuou ao longo dos séculos XIX, XX e início do XXI, constituindo-se ainda em tema de grande atualidade. Neste artigo abordamos a interferência da Igreja Católica no Congresso Nacional  na disputa de projetos de Lei sobre Reprodução e Sexualidade na década de 90. Nele caracterizaremos três atores ligados à Igreja Católica: o Grupo Parlamentar Católico, o Setor Família da CNBB e o Movimento Pró-Vida, destacando sua organização e suas estratégias nesta disputa cuja arena foi o Congresso Nacional.Palavras-chave: Laicidade. Estado. Direitos sexuais. Direitos reprodutivos.ABSTRACTThe legal hegemony of the sexuality’s terrain and reproduction has always been disputed by religions and for political power. In the West, with the secular States Constitution (eighteenth and nineteenth century), occurred the separation between State and Church, these being consigned to their Magna’s letters. But the dispute around the rules governing the exercise of sexuality and reproduction continued throughout the 19th, 20th and beginning of the 21th centuries, still in big theme today. In this article we discuss the Catholic Church’s interference in the National Congress in the dispute of law projects about reproduction andsexuality in the 90s (nineties). It will feature three actors linked to the Catholic Church: the Catholic Parliamentary Group, the Family of the Brazilian Bishops and the Pro-Life Movement,highlighting its organization and its strategies inthis dispute whose arena was the National Congress.Keywords: Secularism. State. Sexual Rights. Reproductive Rights. 

Protest and Religion: The U.S. Pro-Life Movement

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziad Munson
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Sole Source ◽  
The United States ◽  
Educational Outreach ◽  
Abortion Law ◽  
Pro Life ◽  
Life Movement

Religion, and particularly the Catholic Church, was at the center of the emergence and initial mobilization of the pro-life movement in the United States. The movement originated in Catholic opposition to the liberalization of abortion law beginning in the 1950s, and accelerated rapidly after 1973 when abortion was legalized nationwide by the Supreme Court. Protestants began entering the movement in large numbers beginning in the 1980s, which corresponded with a peak in the amount of antiabortion street protest (and violence). All forms of pro-life protest—educational outreach to influence public opinion, political and legal involvement to influence the legal status of abortion, the development of crisis pregnancy centers to persuade individual pregnant women to carry their pregnancies to term, and direct action against abortion providers—have their roots in this formative period of movement mobilization, and all have continued to be important elements of the movement over the last half century. All these forms of protest activity include a religious component. They involve activists of deep religious faith, motivated by religious ideas, using religious principles in arguments about abortion, and depending on the leadership and resources of religious organizations. But the role of religion in the movement is sometimes overstated. Religion has not been the sole source of support for the movement. Pro-life protest has always included activists and organizations that are partially or wholly outside these strands of religious influence. Religion has also been a frequent source of tension and conflict in the movement, in addition to being a source of support. And the relationship between religion and the movement in recent decades does not distinguish it from the underlying partisan political landscape in which it is now firmly rooted.

‘Haeres…Thomae More Cancellarii’: Fr Thomas More 1722–1795

1998 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
Geoffry Holt
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Thomas More ◽  
The West ◽  
The Family ◽  
Male Line ◽  
Lord Chancellor

Fr Thomas More—the last descendant in the direct male line of St.Thomas More, Lord Chancellor of England—died on 20 May 1795 in Bath. He had been the Jesuit provincial superior at the time of the suppression of the Society in 1773.Thomas More was the eldest of the five children of Thomas and Catherine (née Giffard) of Barnborough or Bamburg Hall in the West Riding of Yorkshire. Born on 19 September 1722, he was followed by Christopher, Bridget, Catherine and Mary. Both sons became Jesuits. Bridget married twice—Peter Metcalfe and Robert Dalton and had descendants; she died in 1797. Catherine died unmarried in 1786. Mary became Sister Mary Augustine of the Austin Canonesses at Bruges and died in 1807. Their home, Barnborough Hall, had been in the family since John, the only son of St. Thomas, had acquired it by his marriage to Anne Cresacre and it remained so until the nineteenth century.

Sex and Birth Control in West Germany

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-147
Author(s):  
Michael E. O’Sullivan
Keyword(s):  
Birth Control ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Central European ◽  
Rapid Social Change ◽  
The Family ◽  
History Of ◽  
Large Families ◽  
National Congress

Abstract Pius XII’s Addresses to the Catholic Union of Midwives on October 29, 1951 and the National Congress of the Family Front and the Association of Large Families on November 27, 1951 were a pivotal moment in the history of sexuality in the Catholic Church because the pope permitted the use of the rhythm method for the purposes of family planning. They occurred at a moment of transition between Pius XI’s condemnation of contraception and abortion in 1930 and Paul VI’s denunciation of the birth control pill in 1968. This essay argues that these two speeches require greater scholarly attention and that West Germany represents a compelling case study for their reception. Other scholars document well the importance of Germany to the life and papacy of Pius XII, but little light has been shed on how Central European Catholics responded to his views about sex. In a fresh reading of the papal intervention, this essay suggests that the speeches only endorsed practices that had been common since the 1930s. In the midst of changing norms about sex and increased access to birth control as well as anxiety about rapid social change, Pius XII’s attempt at conciliation was significant but ultimately failed.

Renewal in the Malankara Orthodox Church, India

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-244
Author(s):  
Baby Varghese
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
English Education ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Roman Catholicism ◽  
The West ◽  
Christian Community ◽  
Syrian Orthodox ◽  
The Family ◽  
In The Beginning

The Malanakra Orthodox Syrian Church, which belongs to the family of the Oriental Orthodox Churches, proudly claims to be founded by the Apostle St Thomas. Its history before the fifteenth century is very poorly documented. However, this ancient Christian community was in intermittent relationship with the East Syrian Patriarchate of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, which was discontinued with the arrival of the Portuguese, who forcefully converted it to Roman Catholicism. After a union of fifty-five years, the St Thomas Christians were able to contact the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch, thanks to the arrival of the Dutch in Malabar and the expulsion of the Portuguese. The introduction of the West Syrian Liturgical rites was completed by the middle of the nineteenth century. The arrival of the Anglican Missionaries in Malabar in the beginning of the nineteenth century provided the Syrian Christians the opportunity for modern English education and thus to make significant contributions to the overall development of Kerala, one of the states of the Indian Republic.

Strategies of Self-Proclaimed Pro-Life Groups in Argentina

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 144-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Manuel Morán Faúndes ◽  
María Angélica Peñas Defago
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Evangelical Churches ◽  
Sociedad Civil ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Sexual And Reproductive Rights ◽  
Pro Life

Over the past few decades political processes recognizing and broadening sexual and reproductive rights have produced a reaction from conservative sectors seeking to block those gains. Although the Catholic Church hierarchy and some Evangelical churches have led the opposition to these rights, various sectors of civil society have begun to foment resistance to pluralist sexual politics. In Argentina self-proclaimed pro-life nongovernmental organizations have become important in the local context, using channels legitimized by contemporary democracy. While they initially devoted themselves primarily to the issue of abortion through activities associated with assistencialism and cultural impact, their actions since the 1990s have diversified, entering into the politico-institutional field and aiming at other issues associated with the country’s sexual policy. The movement and religion overlap at many levels and are separate in others. The complexity of the relationship between them requires rethinking of the normative frameworks through which progress on sexual and reproductive rights in Latin America is usually theorized. The separation of religion and politics under the paradigm of laicism can be insufficient to guarantee sexual pluralism in our societies. En las últimas décadas, los procesos políticos por el reconocimiento y ampliación de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos han generado la reacción de sectores conservadores que buscan obstaculizar dichas conquistas. Si bien la jerarquía católica y algunas iglesias evangélicas han protagonizado el rechazo a estos derechos, distintos sectores de la sociedad civil han comenzado también a activar una resistencia a las políticas sexuales pluralistas. En Argentina las organizaciones no-gubernamentales autodenominadas pro-vida han adquirido relevancia en el contexto local, utilizando los canales legitimados por la democracia contemporánea. Mientras las primeras se abocaron centralmente a la temática del aborto desde acciones asociadas al asistencialismo y al impacto cultural, a partir de los noventa sus acciones se han diversificado, entrando al campo político-institucional y orientándose a otros temas asociados a la política sexual del país. Este movimiento y la religión se superponen en muchos niveles y se separan en otros. La complejidad que reviste su relación implica repensar los marcos normativos mediante los cuales se ha solido teorizar el avance en los derechos sexuales y reproductivos en América Latina. La separación de la religión y la política bajo el paradigma de la laicidad puede resultar una estrategia insuficiente para garantizar el pluralismo sexual al interior de nuestras sociedades.

Catholic Politicians and the Politics of Abortion Position Taking

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Marchetti ◽  
David O'Connell
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Analysis ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Elected Officials ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Automated Text Analysis ◽  
Roe V Wade ◽  
Pro Life ◽  
Life Movement ◽  
The Catholic Church

AbstractFour decades after the Court's landmark decision inRoe v. Wade, the issue of abortion persists as a point of contention for elected officials. The Catholic Church has taken a leading role in the pro-life movement, putting many Catholic representatives in a difficult position as they can be cross-pressured by their party, their constituents, and their own beliefs. Given these pressures, how do Catholic legislators explain their positions on abortion? We address this question via an analysis of public statements about abortion made by Catholic representatives and senators in the 108thCongress. We examine which members comment on abortion and use automated text analysis to measure legislators' certainty and use of moral and religious terms when discussing abortion. Multivariate analysis shows that gender, ethnicity, and an interaction between a member's position on abortion and the number of Catholics in their constituency shape how Catholic legislators discuss abortion.

Father Victor Braun and the Catholic Church in England and Wales, 1870–1882

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-574
Author(s):  
Brigid Gallagher
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Building Trade ◽  
The West ◽  
Industrial Sectors ◽  
Toxic Materials ◽  
East End ◽  
The City

Nineteenth century London, like many towns and cities in Britain, experienced phenomenal population growth. At the centre of the British Empire, and driven by free trade and industry, it achieved extraordinary wealth, but this wealth was confined to the City and to the West End. East London, however, consisted of ‘an expanse of poverty and wretchedness as appalling as, and in many ways worse than the horrors of the industrial North’. There was clear evidence of the lack of urban planning, as factories were established close to the immense dock buildings constructed near Stratford. Toxic materials such as paint and varnish were produced in large chemical works owned by the German chemist, Rudolf Hersel, as were matches by the firm Bryant and May, and rubber, tar and iron for the building trade by various industrialists. Social historians have viewed the poverty of mid-nineteenth century London's East End as a symbol of urban disintegration in which skilled artisans were reduced to sweated, lowly-paid, labourers. Their homes, built close to the industrial sectors, were erected hastily and cheaply, and lacked proper hygienic and sanitary facilities, so that slum conditions prevailed. Moreover, this housing had to be demolished frequently to make way for new roads and railways, thus creating great hardship for an already destitute people.

scholarly journals Sexuality, Law, and Religion in Latin America: Frameworks in Tension

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Marco Vaggione
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Reproductive Rights ◽  
Sexual Politics ◽  
Sexual Morality ◽  
Sexual Diversity ◽  
Religion And Law ◽  
The Family ◽  
Sexual And Reproductive Rights

One challenge opened by contemporary sexual politics in Latin America is to rethink the relations between religion and law. The debate on the regulations of sexuality, reproduction or the family makes visible the complex interconnections between religious worldviews and the legal system. Particularly, how the secularization of law has been compatible with an imbrication process in which law traduces and conserves catholic sexual morality into secular regulations. The article offers an analysis of the ways in which stakeholders in conflict over sexual and reproductive rights in Latin America mobilize religion and the law to pursue their agendas. First, the article considers the main strategies implemented by the feminist and sexual diversity movements in order to overcome the power and influence of the Catholic Church on lawmaking processes. Although these movements tend to share an anti-clerical standpoint, they present a complex and dynamic construction of religion. Second, it presents different adaptions by Catholic sectors in defense of a natural sexual order. In their quest to influence state legal systems, these sectors deploy a dynamic and strategic understanding of religion and its impact upon public and legal debates. Building upon these considerations, the article contributes to the question of the complex articulations between religion and law in contemporary Latin America.

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