scholarly journals The role of the proletariat as a class in 1917 and at first after the October Revolution

Author(s):  
Yevgeniy Ye. Abekhtikov

The article examines the role of the proletariat in the preparation and implementation of the October Revolution of 1917. The author shows that after the revolution, the Bolsheviks had every reason to be disappointed in the proletariat as a class as they started decreasing in number rapidly due to the return of peasants to villages and difficulties in working in enterprises in cities. Much attention is paid in the article to the concept of "dictatorship of the proletariat", which has become the centre of the Bolshevik ideological programme. Due to the fact that the Marxist class analysis turned out to be inappropriate for Russian social reality, the Bolsheviks had to transform their initial ideas, develop a system of measures to educate the people and influence them. To maintain power after its seize, the Bolsheviks created the myth of an enemy class threatening the proletariat and of building a bright future.

1975 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund S. K. Fung

One interesting aspect of the Revolution of 1911 in China was the role of the new-style army. The new-style troops, as one category of revolutionary activists distinct from the civilian radical intellectuals, determined the opening phase of the revolution, initiating the Wuchang uprising and bringing pressure to bear on most of the provincial leaders. Their contribution was the physical strength which the revolutionary intellectuals, who provided the ideology, lacked. The army played its vital role, not in the beginning of the revolutionary movement, but at a later stage when the prevailing order had been discredited and the imperial government had lost the allegiance of the people. Indeed, the success of the revolution reflected the interaction between revolutionary ideas and military power.


1991 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
I. W.C. Van Wyk

Protest marches and the role of the Nederduitsch Hervonnde Church This artic le deals with the phenomenon of protest against the state. The fact that resistance and protest have always been part of social reality is pointed out. For this reason the state, particulary a democratic state, should provide scope for legitimate protest and protest marches. However, protest marches are not a magic formula for bringing about justice. Protest marches themselves are an extremely ambivalent matter. It is the responsibility of the church to guide the people and the nation in such a way that they will strive for attainable ideals within the bounds of possibility.


Monitor ISH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Bernard Nežmah

The paper discusses the phenomenon of the October Revolution through the prism of Lenin’s article The State and Revolution, which describes and anticipates the mechanisms of revolutionary action intended to eliminate the exploitation of the working class and to establish a more just social order. The study compares Lenin’s theory with his revolutionary practice by accentuating the concept of ‘the curbing of capitalists’, illuminated by and examined through a series of synchronic and diachronic perspectives, which ultimately led to the formation of the term ‘enemy of the people’ (‘class enemy’). At the same time, it attempts to define and historically determine the actual duration of the October Revolution. The second part of the paper applies the concept of ‘curbing’ to the situation of artists within the Bolshevik state. Thus it presents a range of artists’ attitudes to the Revolution, which had lumped critical and independent artists together with capitalists as ‘enemies of the people’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Istiqomah

Ayyām fī Bābā 'Amrū novel by Abdullah Maksūr is one of novels that came out after the Arab Spring that hit Syria. The revolution in Syria occurred because of the people's desire to overthrow al-Assad regime which had been in power for decades. Demonstrations in Syria then ended into a civil war that never ended until now. This novel takes the story of the condition of Syrian society after the Syrian revolution erupted in 2011 and describes the conflict between the military and the Syrian people. This study aims to reveal the social conditions experienced by Syrians of the Syrian revolution based on data in the Ayyām fī Bābā 'Amrū novel, the social reality of Syrian society, and the relationship between the structure of the text and the social reality of Syrian society. The theory used in this study is Alan Swingewood's the sociology of literature theory with the concept that literary work is a mirror of the age. The method used is the literary of sociology method which is a moving method of literary data. The results of this study indicate that there are several causes of the Syrian revolution mentioned in the novel, such as the desire to be free from a regime that has been in power for decades, corruptions, inspired by other Arab countries, and a long-held hatred. The social conditions experienced by the Syrian people during the revolution were experiencing intimidation from the military, the people were arrested without any fault, some Syrians were tortured in military prisons, shootings, bombings and chaos in several cities, some girls experienced sexual harassment, the people were divided between supporting the regime or opposition, and most Syrians flee to neighboring countries. The social condition that occurs in the novel is a representation of the social reality that occurred in Syrian society after the revolution in 2011.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 976-988
Author(s):  
K. V. Godunov ◽  

The author explores how attitudes toward the Red Terror and activities of the Cheka were manifested during celebrations of the first anniversary of the October Revolution. Based on a study of speeches by Bolshevik leaders, propaganda materials related to the festival, discussions at various levels, and characteristics about the holiday provided by opponents and enemies of the ruling party, the author demonstrates what arguments were used for legitimation and delegitimation of the Red Terror. The author analyzes the discussion by D. B. Ryazanov and G. E. Zinovev on the correlation of terror and the holiday; characterizes the position of V. I. Lenin and other prominent Bolsheviks who used the holiday as a resource to discuss the powers of the Cheka; and describes positions of opponents to the Bolsheviks. The significance of one of the first political amnesties in Soviet history, dedicated to the celebration of the October Revolution, is described. Prominent Bolsheviks perceived the role of terror in the revolution in different ways: if V. I. Lenin and G. E. Zinovev, in the struggle to strengthen their influence, were insistent on the need to deepen terror, D. B. Ryazanov insisted that the scope of repressive politics should be limited, and L. B. Kamenev lobbied for amnesties. All of them used the celebration of the first anniversary of October to implement their projects. Research on the linkage between the Red Terror and the holiday provide insights into the specifics of the political situation in the autumn of 1918.


2021 ◽  
pp. 68-78
Author(s):  
Jelena Lalatović

The matters of the October Revolution are present on several levels in Zenit from the first issue until the closing of the magazine. The October Revolution appears as a topic in Zenit in discussions about Soviet Avant-garde art, as well as the sociopolitical consequences of the Revolution, but also as a symbol of the destruction of old civilisation, one of the fundamental programme principles of Zenitism. This paper analyses the strategies for shaping the concept and discourse on the October Revolution in Zenit. First, the intertextual connections between the texts that speak about the Soviet artistic Avant-garde and the texts about the political Avant-garde of the October Revolution are reconstructed, i.e. their ideological and aesthetic unity as a product of Ljubomir Micić's editorial policy. Then, the second level of analysis occurs through a comparative reading of the programmatic principles of Zenithism and the ideas of the representatives of the Soviet political Avant-garde - Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Leon Davidovich Trotsky and Anatoly Vasilyevich Lunacharsky. The aim of this paper is to examine how the figures of revolutionary leaders and artists, and the reception of their works and texts in the Zenit magazine, shaped the Zenitist understanding of the historical role of Avant-garde art as new art. Furthermore, special attention is paid to the interpretation of Zenit's artistic ideology in the context of revolutionary Marxism, i.e. to the analysis of implicit ambivalences between artistic individuality, on the one hand, and the Avant-garde and Revolution, as collective events, on the other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-139
Author(s):  
Ömer Özer

Hegemony can be roughly defined as the overall field of practical strategies exerted by a dominant power in gaining the consent of the people under its rule (Eagleton, 1996: 167). The authority exercised on subordinated classes depends on consent, not force. Predominant classes operate hegemony through ideology; and media is one of the fields that hegemony is achieved. Cultivation theory expresses that television has a role on the social reality conceptualization and the world perception of people. For instance, heavy viewers consider that police is essential for this world. This suggests that hegemony is achieved. In this study, research concerning the cultivation role of television on the students of Faculty of Science at Anadolu University, Eskişehir, Turkey was carried out and the cultivation role has come out as a result of the analyses. This result indicates that hegemony is achieved on the related faculty students. In the Conclusion, I will discuss whether television is an old or new technology.


2021 ◽  
Vol - (3) ◽  
pp. 64-78
Author(s):  
Sergii Proleiev

The article analyzes the problem of Ukraine's development since independence. A comparison of the way of organizing social reality in modern Ukraine and in the Soviet period is carried out. The main regulatory factor in the life of Soviet society was the principle of domination. Ukraine has inherited the principle of domination and retains its leading role in the current social order. Its various manifestations that determine the structure of Ukrainian society, in particular the growth of the bureaucratic class and bureaucratic pressure on all spheres and sections of life, are analyzed. The dominance of bureaucracy contains latent violence, feeds corruption and minimizes social dynamics. It is also a phenomenon of power rent, which finds its expression in a kind of "privatization of the state." Another universal effect of the principle of domination is the doubling of social reality into apparent and hidden. The apparent reality becomes a space for the existence of ordinary citizens and the implementation of legal procedures, while the hidden one contains a system of real circulation of power, which is not regulated by any legal regulations, instead, controls all movements of the social body. The systemic role in the hidden society is played by cliques — informal groups of influential people who really control the course of events. The con- sequence of the principle of domination is the passivity and marginalization of the Ukrainian citizen, associated with the defect of political participation. Such non-participation in power is embodied in such forms of consciousness as hope, liking, and despair. Today, independence is not a given, but a chance that must be realized. The way to this is through the restoration of the role of the people as a sovereign power and the development of non-dominant regulatory factors of sociality.


1971 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-181
Author(s):  
Fred J. Hood

In recent years American historians have seriously challenged the early twentieth-century liberal interpretation of the American Revolution. It now seems probable that the revolution was “an elitist movement with only a modest amount of explicit striving among either the people at large or any of the dominant political factions for a wider diffusion of political power.” One of the persistent themes of the liberal view has been that of the striving for and winning of religious liberty. This topic easily lent itself to the epic of the “common man” combining against the aristocracy to force substantial social and political changes.Even the terms “dissenters” and “establishment” carried the emotional impact inherent in the interpretation and made the whole process seem self-evident. Just as the reexamination of the American Revolution as a whole has made possible a more plausible understanding of the events in America after the revolution, a reassessment of the events leading to disestablishment and the legal adoption of a policy of religious liberty could lead to a fresh understanding of the role of religion in American national life.


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