scholarly journals RUSSIAN DRAMA DURING THE CRIMEAN WAR OF 1853–1856

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 100-106
Author(s):  
Mariya V. Patrikeeva

The Crimean War of 1853–1856 became a real challenge for Russian society and was reflected in the culture and art of that time, including drama. Already during the war, plays dedicated to this historical event were being created and staged in theatres. This article analyses four plays – “For the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland” by Pyotr Grigor’yev, “The Veteran and the Recruit” by Aleksey Pisemsky, “The Feat of the Mother” by Orest Miller, “The Russians in 1854” by Adelaida Tal’tseva. The general ideological message of those dramatic works included patriotism, glorification of the greatness of the Fatherland and the strength of the Russian people, the Orthodox faith, in connection with which the plays created the image of a Russian soldier for whom participation in the war is a matter of honour and faith. The study establishes the correspondence of dramatic works of the period of the Crimean War of 1853–1856 to the requirements of the time, their close connection with the historical context of the era, as well as an orientation towards ease of perception by the audience. The author of the article defines the general features of patriotic plays of the Crimean War period at the plot and ideological level.

2021 ◽  
Vol 62 (4-6) ◽  
pp. 443-469
Author(s):  
Vladislav Ia. Grosul
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia E. Tikhоnova

This article reveals that, during the last 15 years, drastic shifts have occurred in the subjective social structure of Russian society: the people for the most part no longer consider themselves to be “social outsiders”, while Russian society itself has become a society undoubtedly dominated by a subjective middle-class, albeit predominantly a lower middle-class. However, such a positive shift does not equal Russians being completely satisfied with the situation at hand when it comes to stratification, since their actual position in the status hierarchy is currently much lower not only than desired, but also lower than those status positions which they reckon they should be occupying in this hierarchy “in all fairness”. Russian people’s dissatisfaction is mostly a result of them considering opportunities for success and prosperity to be associated with the social, economic and cultural capital of one’s parents, as well as with various unlawful practices (such as corruption, bribery), not only with one’s hard work or quality education. These views seem to be stable over time, and to some extent they are similar to the views of German people. However, in the eyes of Russians various unlawful practices (primarily bribery) play a greater role when it comes to achieving success in life. In addition to that, one’s parents’ education, as well as one’s own education, hard work and ambition play a slightly less significant role (which is decreasing year after year) in Russia. This means that, as time passes, more Russian people are becoming convinced that a person’s personal efforts and goals are not a key factor in achieving life success and high status positions in Russian society. Statistical verification indicates that these views are objectively justified, since, according to the former, upper strata of Russian society are becoming increasingly more closed, with lower strata starting to close as well. High indexes of self-reproduction of opposing status groups within mass layers of the population, together with an increasing polarization of the population (primarily young people) – these are all dangerous tendencies in terms of their socio-political and economic consequences, which lead to authorities being delegitimized, as well as Russian people losing their motivation to achieve success in life through their own efforts.


Tekstualia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (67) ◽  
pp. 13-28
Author(s):  
Piotr Koprowski

When developing ideological concepts and creating literary characters, Dostoyevsky drew from, among others, the ideas of the then most important trends in the Russian thought: Slavophilic and Occidental, as refl ected, among other examples, in his discourse on freedom. The condemnation of certain aspects of Western European civilization, present in the writer’s work – often articulated by the Slavophiles – expresses his aversion to negative freedom and excessive individualism, which undercut the roots of the social organism. Dostoyevsky’s affi nity with the Slavophiles is also refl ected in his positive attitude towards the Russian people and fascination with the unspoiled Christianity and community which they preserved. The formation of Dostoyevsky’s views was also infl uenced by the Occidentalists. The need to maintain the personality ideal, as the Occidentalists understood it, was extremely important to him. The writer glorifi ed the values that cemented the Orthodox community, without negating the knowledge and experience gained in the course of the 200-year Europeanization of the upper classes of the Russian society. He considered Occidentalism to be a phenomenon “leaning towards” specifi c social realities from which it drew its strength. The writer envisaged a harmonious coexistence of freedom and love, their unity. In his opinion, this unity could not be an expression of excess, egoism, pride, moral and moral promiscuity, exaggerated individualism and rationalism. He equated genuine freedom with commitment to God and to the well-being of the humankind.


Author(s):  
Marina G. Smolyaninova ◽  

In 1396 the Ottomans occupied Bulgaria. It disappeared from the world map, becoming part of the Ottoman Empire. In the XIX century Russian society contributed to the spiritual revival of the Bulgarian people. I.S.Aksakovbelieved that Russia should help not only the spiritual revival of the Bulgarians, but also the acquisition of political freedom, lost in the XIV century.On April 12, 1877, Emperor Alexander II declared war on Turkey. At the cost of enormous human sacrifice, the Russian people freed Bulgaria from slavery, which, after 500 years of non-existence, reappeared on the world map. In the modern press, it can be observed that Russia's role in the liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish yoke is reappraising. Some scholars believe that the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 was not liberating, but conquering, occupying. The article refutes the opinion of false scientists who seek to distort the truth based on archival documents, as well as on the testimonies of eyewitnesses of historical events (including the testimonies of Bulgarian writers of that time - Petko Rachev Slaveykov, Ilya Blyskov, Vasil Drumyov, Ivan Vazov and others). Ivan Vazov called the Russian soldiers "Knights of Good." P.R. Slaveykov wrote: "Russia has given us freedom with its blood."


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 299-338
Author(s):  
A. Nemtsov

The article attempts to theoretically comprehend the transformation of liberal values in the process of economic and political reforms carried out in Russia after collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the collapse of the world system of socialism. Some approaches to the interpretation of the essence of the “cold war”, as well as its results and outcomes, are analyzed. The article describes the main problems faced by Russian society and the Russian government in connection with the abolition of the Communist ideology. Based on the analysis of these approaches, we propose a hypothetical model of coexistence and confrontation between “two worlds” and two types of man within the framework of the Cristian worldview paradigm, in essence, two concepts of humanism. The author reveals the specifics of Russia’s modern opposition with what took place during the cold war. An attempt is made to understand this confrontation in a more General way.


KÜLÖNBSÉG ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
József Simon

Machiavelli’s reception is deeply divided. He has been both criticized as the evil executioner of state interests and celebrated as the representative of genuine Republicanism, the only person with an efficient and humane answer to challenges of historical determinism. These readings would suggest that his work belongs to the area of political philosophy, yet his philosophy cannot be surveyed without considering general aspects of value and the metaphysics of history. Machiavelli critiques the idea of objective value without a historical context: he basically maintains that the ontology of values is historical and that history has ontological relevance. He practically starts out with a project in ideology criticism, and this lays the foundation of his model of the historical event as a rhetorical space in which virtue (virtừ) manifests itself. His model of the historical event not only discredits any given theory of value but also projects a possibility of agency and innovation in history against historical determinism. In his model historical contents appear as elements of a rhetorical debate for keeping or acquiring power. Of course, throughout his work there is always a danger for regressing into an ahistorical model or axiology of history. The paper claims that the accusation of “Machiavellian immorality” cannot be validated according to its vulgar sense but is rather the characteristic of a moral criticism that would like to secure the preconditions of history. The paper reads The Prince not as a reference letter to monarchic power but rather as a systematization of history. It is not a series of loosely linked historical event and anecdotes but a rhetorical analysis of the formal structures of history. In this sense, The Prince can be compared to Nietzsche’s debated ideas on value and history.


Author(s):  
А.Х. Хадикова

Статья является историко-антропологическим анализом формирования в России гетеростереотипа кавказец в среде русского этнополитического большинства. С привлечением разных источников представлен исторический контекст формирования этностереотипов, его объективные предпосылки, фактические воплощения и тесная вза- имосвязь с реальными событиями в стране. Анализируются современная актуализация и потенциальные ресурсы этностереотипов в полиэтничном российском обществе, предла- гаются конкретные изыскательские направления. The article is a historical and anthropological analysis of the heterostereotype Caucasian formation in Russia among the Russian ethnopolitical majority. With the involvement of various sources the historical context of ethnic stereotypes formation, its objective preconditions, actual implementations and close relationship with the real life events in the country are presented. The modern mainstreaming and potential resources of ethnic stereotypes in multi-ethnic Russian society are analyzed, specifi c research areas are proposed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (121) ◽  
pp. 194-203
Author(s):  
Svetlana A. Dobretsova ◽  

The article is devoted to private life of soviet person on an example of museums exposition of Ivanovo – the Museum of first Soviet. The author takes note that, on the one hand, an everyday culture of soviet epoch is lost, but, on the other hand, this culture has a big popularity not only in the science sphere but also in the sphere of mass culture. It accents an actuality of its researching. The exposition representing in the museum of first soviet has unicity. A museum space dedicated to a historical event shows to visitors a contrast interior of manufacturer and his worker. It illustrates that revolution as a strong move in a social and cultural life of society was inevitable. Among mass of everyday culture of soviet epoch museums the Ivanovo museum offers visitors not only demonstration of periods of soviet culture development but also representative reflection of soviet way of life and person evolution. From a person of bedsit, which even his room doesn`t become private space and full of ideological mottoes, to the person with individual set of interests, tastes and desires. This new type of person tries to bring to life his interests, tastes and desires into his new flat interior making it cozier, positive representing social changes. The museum space has synthetism as far as it repels not only historical context and social changes but also way of life details. The author puts museum exposition as an attempt of presenting macro history by way of micro history of private life of soviet person.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 38-49
Author(s):  
Alexey V. Makarkin

The Russian Parliament is often considered to be an unpopular authority, though on closer examination it becomes evident that the situation is more complicated than it could seem at first glance. The popularity of State Duma during the presidency of Vladimir Putin is really inferior to the popularity of the President, still the attitude to the State Duma as the instrument of power depends greatly on the actual political state of affairs and the state of public opinion, and has changed in different times. At the same time the reaction of the society to the lawmaking process may be of more fundamental character. The conservative style of behavior of the Russian people in recent years has substantially changed their attitude to the law, and can be viewed as an important new factor of public opinion. We could speak about such social phenomenon as “new conservatism” that is more related to the style of life than to the political choice, when this style is targeted to the “normality” demonstrated in the concern for the personal and family health and welfare, and respect for the law, even if the law is not perfect, as the necessary tool for the defense of the citizen’s interests. Such conservatism favors the growth of the “Yedinaya Rossia” (“United Russia”) party rating, but doesn’t exclude the possibility of those conservatives voting for non-conservative parties, depending on the sympathies and current political challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Н. Г. Гузынин

in the historical context of Russia, the correlation and interrelation of the concepts and values of freedom with justice and equality are considered. It is shown that in Russian society, historically, based on the Byzantine model of the relationship between the state and the Church, these institutions nurtured humility, patience, and asceticism to all the vicissitudes of life in the mentality and way of life of the Russian people. This is why the consciousness of the Russian ethnic group has a special craving for permanent affirmation of the values of equality and justice in everyday life at different times and periods. The discontent of the masses, which resulted in riots, uprisings, and other forms of protest, was the result of their feeling that the rich and the authorities were violating equality and justice in their way of life. The article shows the mediative role of justice in relation to equality and freedom and the constant mental perception of equality as justice in Russian historical realities. Special attention is paid to understanding the reasons for the ineradicable desire of Russian society for justice, which turns into opposites of injustice and inequality. An important statement is the idea that in Russian society it is necessary to form objective and subjective conditions that root the value of freedom, without which justice cannot be fully established. The author emphasizes the need to make a change in the culture and mentality of Russians in the understanding that justice without freedom is unfair, and justice is just only in Union with freedom. It is the transition from the confrontational model of “justice against freedom” to the model of “just justice based on freedom” that will largely determine the civilizational breakthrough to a successful future for Russia.


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