scholarly journals Devotional Theory in Comics

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (S-2) ◽  
pp. 213-217
Author(s):  
Prabavathi S

Vedic and non-Vedic religions spread their ideas directly, through songs and sermons. A sense of devotion was sown by making a connection between God and Human. In particular, devotional literature is designed to convey the flexibility of the structural definitions of religions. This can be seen by examining the background of all the devotional literatures and religious epics. The reading method, which was in the state of “Telling – Listening” have been changed into the state of “Seeing – Reading”. Thus, there was a significant place for paintings and pictures in journalism. Paintings and pictures were considered as tools to impress the readers. So, the magazines had the custom of drawing up a chart for the stories. Religious institutions changed the forms of expression as time went on. All the myths and Epics of poems were made into prose stories after the advent of journalism. Stories created as a series of illustrations (Sequential Art) throughout were put forward to explain the doctrine of Devotion. “Amarchitra Katha” is a globally recognized magazine that symbolizes the Indian comic book tradition. Similarly, the magazine ‘Sri Ramakrishna Vijayam’ made a significant contribution in Tamil. All the stories published in this way have been published as pamphlets under the name of “Kathaimalar”.  Thus, this Article explores the notion that 'such magazines, which are based on devotion, treat religious virtues especially from evidences of the Epics”. Further, this article goes on to point out the way in which these stories have carried the doctrine of Devotion of religious institutions to the contemporary generation.

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Saifudin Asrori ◽  
Ahmad Syauqi

Abstract. The Islamic education, Islamic boarding schools and madrasas, have made a very significant contribution to the implementation of education and social reform. Through the teaching process, in which the kyai as the main figure and the use of the ‘yellow book’, traditional Islamic ideas colored the early days of growing awareness as a nation and a State. When the New Order government carried out the development and modernization of society, there was a revival of a Muslim group called the “new middle class santri”, which took place in line with the modernization that occurred in the traditional Islamic educational institutions of the pesantren. Then in the era of democratization, the world of Islamic education experienced growth and development in various religious institutions and styles. Most of the pesantren are still committed to maintaining a moderate religious style, recognized as the foundation for the development of civil society and the formation of a ‘distinctive’, friendly, moderate, and tolerant social-political identity of Indonesian society. The Muslim character is different from other regions, especially the Middle East which is the axis of the Islamic world. However, a small proportion of pesantren are thought to promote the growth of religious chauvinism, teach a ‘narrow’ interpretation of Islam and provide a framework of thought and action in responding to socio-political change which often takes the form of a ‘jihad’. This article tries to explore the contribution of Islamic education to social change in the Indonesian Muslim community. Abstark. Dunia pendidikan Islam, pesantren dan madrasah, memberikan kontribusi sangat berarti dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan dan reformasi kemasyarakatan. Melalui proses pengajaran, di mana kyai sebagai figur utama dan penggunaan ‘kitab kuning’, gagasan Islam tradisional mewarnai masa-masa awal tumbuhnya kesadaran sebagai bangsa dan Negara. Ketika pemerintah Orde Baru melakukan pembangunan dan modernisasi masyarakat, terjadi kebangkitan kelompok Muslim yang di sebut “kelas menengah santri baru”, berlangsung sejalan dengan modernisasi yang terjadi dalam lembaga pendidikan Islam tradisional pesantren. Kemudian pada era demokratisasi, dunia pendidikan Islam mengalami pertumbuhan dan perkembangan dalam beragam kelembagaan dan corak keagamaan. Sebagian besar pesantren masih tetap istiqomah dalam mempertahankan corak keagamaan yang moderat, diakui sebagai pondasi berkembangnya masyarakat sipil dan pembentukan identitas sosial-politik masyarakat Indonesia yang ‘khas’, ramah, moderat, dan toleran. Karakter Muslim yang berbeda dengan kawasan lainnya, khususnya Timur-Tengah yang merupakan poros dunia Islam. Namun ada sebagian kecil pesantren dianggap mendorong tumbuhnya chauvinisme keagamaan, mengajarkan penafsiran Islam yang ‘sempit’ dan memberikan kerangka pemikiran dan aksi dalam merespons perubahan sosial-politik yang seringkali berbentuk panggilan ‘jihad’. Artikel ini mencoba mengeksplorasi kontribusi pendidikan Islam dalam perubahan sosial masyarakat Muslim Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

This chapter demonstrates that the downwards pressure that state consolidation placed on mass violence was amplified by the type of state that emerged. Across East Asia, governments came to define themselves as “developmental” or “trading” states whose principal purpose was to grow the national economy and thereby improve the economic wellbeing of their citizens. Governments with different ideologies came to embrace economic growth and growing the prosperity of their populations as the principal function of the state and its core source of legitimacy. Despite some significant glitches along the way the adoption of the developmental trading state model has proven successful. Not only have East Asian governments succeeded in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, the practices and policy orientations dictated by this model helped shift governments and societies away from belligerent practices towards postures that prioritized peace and stability. This reinforced the trend towards greater peacefulness.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Skreslet Hernandez

The final chapter brings the discussion of al-Suyūṭī’s legal persona squarely into the modern era. The discussion explores how contemporary jurists in Egypt use the legacy of the great fifteenth-century scholar in their efforts to frame their identity and to assert authority as interpreters and spokesmen for the Sharīʿa in a political arena that is fraught with tension. In the midst of Mursī’s embattled presidency, leading scholars at Egypt’s state religious institutions rushed to news and social media outlets to affirm their status as representatives of “orthodoxy” and to distance themselves from more extreme salafī trends that threaten to change the way Islamic law is practiced in the modern Egyptian state. It is striking how closely the image of the moderate Sunni, Sufi-minded, theologically sound scholar grounded in the juristic tradition (according to the accepted legal schools) fits with the persona that al-Suyūṭī strove so tenaciously to construct.


Author(s):  
Nancy M. Wingfield

This chapter explores a variety of issues central to the turn-of-the-century Austrian panic over trafficking. They include anti-Semitism, Jews as protagonists and victims, and mass migration in an urbanizing world, as well as why particular Austrian cities were associated with the trade in women. The chapter analyzes the government’s domestic and international efforts to combat trafficking, as well as the role bourgeois reform organizations played. It explores the relationship between the trafficker and the trafficked, arguing that these women and girls were not simply victims, but sometimes willing participants, or something in between, in order to sketch a more nuanced picture of turn-of-the-century “white slaving.” The term “trafficker” is employed to reflect the way sources (the state, journalists, reform groups) viewed the issue, not because it can be proved that the problem was as widespread as they claimed.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Moul

Abstract. The usual quantitative study of inter-state war and peace tallies observations on hundreds, sometimes thousands, of dyads or pairs of states. These observations miss elementary features of inter-state relations that should be examined when testing Realist explanations of war and peace. The way in which three prominent studies (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) chose to count the Seven Weeks War dramatically reveals the theoretical difficulties when tallying dyads. Re-analyses of these studies demonstrate the sensitivity of the results to particulars of 1866 Germany and, more importantly, illustrate the merits of analyzing the dispute rather than the state dyad or the state-dyad year.Résumé. L'étude quantitative des périodes de guerre et de paix entre États comptabilise des observations relatives à des centaines, parfois des milliers de dyades ou paires d'États. Ces observations ne prennent pas en compte certaines caractéristiques élémentaires des relations entre États qui devraient pourtant être examinées lorsque l'on teste les théories réalistes expliquant guerre et paix. La manière dont trois études reconnues (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) ont choisi de comptabiliser la guerre des Sept Semaines révèle de manière éclatante les difficultés théoriques dans la comptabilisation des dyades d'états. De nouvelles analyses de ces études ont démontré la sensibilité des résultats aux caractéristiques de l'Allemagne de 1866, mais soulignent surtout les mérites de l'analyse des disputes par rapport à l'analyse des dyades d'États ou des dyades d'États annuelles.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Eliana Alemán ◽  
José Pérez-Agote

This work aims to show that the sacrificial status of the victims of acts of terrorism, such as the 2004 Madrid train bombings (“11-M”) and ETA (Basque Homeland and Liberty) attacks in Spain, is determined by how it is interpreted by the communities affected and the manner in which it is ritually elaborated a posteriori by society and institutionalised by the state. We also explore the way in which the sacralisation of the victim is used in socially and politically divided societies to establish the limits of the pure and the impure in defining the “Us”, which is a subject of dispute. To demonstrate this, we first describe two traumatic events of particular social and political significance (the case of Miguel Ángel Blanco and the 2004 Madrid train bombings). Secondly, we analyse different manifestations of the institutional discourse regarding victims in Spain, examining their representation in legislation, in public demonstrations by associations of victims of terrorism and in commemorative “performances” staged in Spain. We conclude that in societies such as Spain’s, where there exists a polarisation of the definition of the “Us”, the success of cultural and institutional performances oriented towards reparation of the terrorist trauma is precarious. Consequently, the validity of the post-sacrificial narrative centring on the sacred value of human life is ephemeral and thus fails to displace sacrificial narratives in which particularist definitions of the sacred Us predominate.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norshahril Saat

The Suharto (1966-98) government of Indonesia and the Mahathir (1981-2003) government of Malaysia both launched Islamisation programmes, upgrading and creating religious institutions. The author argues that, while generally ulamas, or religious teachers, had to support state ideologies, they sometimes succeeded in ŸcapturingŒ the state by influencing policies in their favour. The author builds his argument on strong fieldwork data, especially interviews, and he engages in critical discussion of comparative politics paradigms and the concept of capture.


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