scholarly journals Sosialisasi Peran Pemuda-Pemudi dalam Pemilihan Umum (PEMILU) di Nagan Raya Tahun 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yeni Sri Lestari ◽  
Irma Juraida ◽  
Triyanto Triyanto ◽  
Dara Quthni Effida

Problems in the field show that there is a lack of awareness of young people in the realm of political education. In this case, political education in question is the lack of awareness and awareness of young people to be active and participate in giving their opinions and input to political issues so that they do not participate in the implementation of the General Election has raised challenging issues for the balance of a regional government system. . The implementation of this service is a socialization carried out face to face by delivering material related to the theme of devotion. The results and benefits obtained from the implementation of this socialization are able to foster early awareness of young people to start active in the political process such as exercising their voting rights when elections are held and able to provide motivation for young people to engage directly as a Success Team in supporting prospective couples who have vision-mission according to their views.

1990 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Gordon Hands

There has been considerable debate in recent years about the effects of the teaching of Politics upon levels of ‘political literacy’ – the knowledge and understanding of the political process and political issues which enables people to perform their roles as citizens effectively. Almost everyone receives some form of political education. For most people, however, the process of political education is informal: political knowledge, as well as opinions and attitudes, is picked up from the family, friends and the media. Informal political education also takes place in schools. In primary schools, children acquire elementary information about the political system, parties, leaders and so on. In secondary schools, subjects such as History and Geography and courses in General Studies frequently involve topics that are relevant to politics.


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.


Res Publica ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-470
Author(s):  
Guido Dierickx

This contribution should be seen as an attempt to retrieve information from restcategories, such as «does not know» and «no answer».  From these, and from other data as well, we constructed 10, mostly summating, indexes of political ignorance. Among them is an index of objective ignorance, that is about political events, persons and situations.  The others aim at more subjective dimensions. Does the respondent feel informed about the political process : about government and party performance, partisan congeniality, modalities of voting, local politics social problems, political issues ?There seems to be some evidence in favor of the following hypotheses.1. The indexes tend to compensate each other: respondents who score low on one index, do not necessarily score low on the next one.2. I t is difficult to ascertain the validity of an index of objective ignorance. Moreover it does by no means express all the (relevant) dimensions of political information.3. A mong indexes of subjective ignorance one should distinguish between «policy» and «political» information ; the latter seems to refer to a situation where strictly political rules of the game, a.o. those of political conflict, prevail.4. Of all indexes the «political issues» index showed the most discriminating power, as well as the most expected associations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
N. Zimina ◽  
A. Novikova ◽  
◽  
...  

Political parties today are important elements of the regional political process. Parties, along with other political institutions, participate in the implementation of state policy within the region. The practice of recent years shows a negative trend in the creation of political parties, but those parties that are already registered and are actively fighting for political power at all stages of the Russian elections. Political parties participate in the regional political process to embrace the advantages of the political party space. These advantages are due to both objective factors (territorial potential, the economy of the region) and subjective reasons (personal factors associated with the rating of the leader, both the governor and the party coordinator, the nature of his acquaintance with the central financial department, and more). The study of the organization of power in the regions allows us to talk about its various modifications due to these factors. Political parties are a political institution, they represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in today’s political situation fully personify the needs of the regions and represent them at elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of the regional government


Author(s):  
Joarez Luiz Wegher ◽  
Suely Aparecida Martins

The present article presents some results of a Master’s degree research on the contributions of Paulo Freire State High School along the process of political education of young settlers who lives in the municipality of Abelardo Luz, in the Brazilian state of Santa Catarina. It aims to identify this school’s contributions in the process of political education of these young people and understand the relation between such a formation and the struggle for a field school. This qualitative study used as tools for collecting data school observations, analysis over its political-pedagogical project, and semi-structured interviews. We based our analysis on authors such as Pistrak (2000; 2009), Freire (1987; 2004), Snyders (2005), Dalmagro (2003; 2016), Vendramini (2007) and Caldart (2000; 2004). Paulo Freire school is contextualized along with the research subjects, students’ and educators’ characteristics, highlighting some contributions given to the school in connection to the political education of its students. One of the conclusion is that the participation of the Landless Movement and school takes place according to the political-pedagogical project based on Study Complexes, contributing to the fulfillment of a field school when it reaffirms a school formation as a right and reinforces the permanent need of school occupation. It is reinforced the school as a room for struggles, a terrain where contradictory forces face each other, leaving room for action.


1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-523 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark E. Rush

The Supreme Court's approach to representation and redistricting has been grounded on a vision of fairness which extends only as far as the electoral process itself. Accordingly, the doctrine of one-person one-vote, as well as the Court's advocacy of remedial redistricting measures, has focused on ensuring that the electoral routes to legislative representation remained open. Recently, a new wave of challenges to this approach has arisen in legal scholarship and the lower federal courts because its focus on maintaining an open and pluralist political process overlooks the political realities of governing: gaining representation means little if one remains an impotent minority. This article assesses the merits of this new “neopluralist” challenge and the extent to which the Supreme Court and lower federal courts have already begun to incorporate some of its elements. The article concludes by pointing out that this incorporation has led to the establishment of two lines of precedent which are based on irreconcilable notions of representation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-238
Author(s):  
Muh Fathoni Hasyim

The dynamics of political participation of the Samin community in Bojonegoro show significant development of political literacy. This study is focused on answering the political literacy of the Samin community in voicing their aspirations in the General Election from the perspective of Fiqh Siyasah. The results of the study show that the level of political literacy of the Samin community is increasing. The indicator is that the enthusiasm of the Samin people in exercising their voting rights in the general election. In facing elections, the Samin community usually holds a community meeting led by the customary head, to determine the direction of their political aspirations. Over time, this tradition, although still valid, the results of its decisions are not binding. This means that the Samin people are given the freedom to make their own choices. This is different from previous times where the results of the deliberations were a collective decision in determining political aspirations. In the context of Fiqh Siyasah, the political literacy of the Samin community in the General Election is an exciting process of democratization, because the participation of the Samin community shows a growing awareness of living as a nation and a state within the frame of diversity. The practice of deliberation carried out by the Samin community is the application of the principle of deliberation in Islam, so that even though the results are not binding, the decision-making process creates a dialogue between community members to build an increasingly dynamic and progressive political literacy of the Samin community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
О. В. Лагутин

The paper considers the problem of empirical search for models of online mobilization of the youth protest movement in the modern Russian metropolis. In the political practice of many countries, young people have become one of the most important objects of influence of various political actors, both internal and external. Also, in Russian political protest, young people are traditionally the driving force. In the last decade, the online environment has become the most effective and operational communication field for the construction of the political process. The greatest political impact was achieved by the online organization of protest actions, the key element of the strategy of which was the mobilization of the masses. The objectives of the study are to use multidimensional methods of analysis to identify the features that influence the formation of online mobilization models, and to give a descriptive description of each of the models. To study the problem, an online survey of representatives of the younger generation in all megacities of the Russian Federation was conducted, during which latent factors of political action in the online environment, online mechanisms for attracting the attention of users of social networks to political problems that play the role of a protest trigger, and types of political participation were identified. With the help of classification methods, the obtained factors were obtained four models of online mobilization of the political prosthesis of the youth of modern Russia.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
RACHEL BROOKS

The government has argued in various arenas that ‘active citizenship’ is one way in which young people can be effectively re-engaged with their communities, and with the political process more broadly. As part of this analysis, it has placed particular emphasis on the potential contribution of youth volunteering. However, many researchers have argued that such initiatives are essentially conservative, placing emphasis firstly on the skills and competences necessary to make a contribution to the economy rather than more innovative understandings of citizenship, and secondly on the importance of active community participation rather than an understanding of welfare rights and social citizenship. In engaging with this debate, this article draws on a study of 21 young people (aged between 16 and 18) involved in a range of different voluntary, peer-driven and socially focused extra-curricular groups in sixth-form colleges. It argues that, for the young people involved in this study, the effects of becoming involved were complex, multidirectional and, in some cases, apparently contradictory. While in some ways the activities appeared to serve essentially conservative functions (for example, by developing sympathy for those in positions of power), in other respects they engendered a much more critical stance to some aspects of the young people's worlds.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-354
Author(s):  
DINGPING GUO

AbstractThe quantity and quality of Japanese political studies in China are influenced by political developments in China and Japan, Sino-Japanese relations, and academic development of political science. After the collapse of Japan's bubble economy and the end of the LDP's long rule in the early 1990s, many Chinese scholars diverted their attention from economic issues and took more interest in Japanese political studies. Political issues such as the resurgence of nationalism, the rise of right-wing forces, the end of the ‘1955 system’, the political origin of long and heavy recessions, the ‘normal state’, national strategy, and foreign policies have been discussed and debated. New approaches and perspectives such as the political pluralist approach, the new institutional approach, the ecological approach and the political process approach have been used. It is imperative to overcome the institutional, political, and financial problems in order to improve the state and raise the quality of Japanese political studies in China.


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