МОДЕЛИ ОНЛАЙН-МОБИЛИЗАЦИИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ПРОТЕСТА СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИЙСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖИ (РЕЗУЛЬТАТЫ ЭМПИРИЧЕСКОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ)

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
О. В. Лагутин
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Online Environment ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Multidimensional Methods ◽  
The Masses

The paper considers the problem of empirical search for models of online mobilization of the youth protest movement in the modern Russian metropolis. In the political practice of many countries, young people have become one of the most important objects of influence of various political actors, both internal and external. Also, in Russian political protest, young people are traditionally the driving force. In the last decade, the online environment has become the most effective and operational communication field for the construction of the political process. The greatest political impact was achieved by the online organization of protest actions, the key element of the strategy of which was the mobilization of the masses. The objectives of the study are to use multidimensional methods of analysis to identify the features that influence the formation of online mobilization models, and to give a descriptive description of each of the models. To study the problem, an online survey of representatives of the younger generation in all megacities of the Russian Federation was conducted, during which latent factors of political action in the online environment, online mechanisms for attracting the attention of users of social networks to political problems that play the role of a protest trigger, and types of political participation were identified. With the help of classification methods, the obtained factors were obtained four models of online mobilization of the political prosthesis of the youth of modern Russia.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

Electoral system as a motivation to reforming political system- The Iraqi model

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Masses

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).

DOMINO EFFECT: BORIS YELTSIN'S DECREE ON THE DE-PARTIZATION IN THE CHAIN OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
D.G. SELTSER ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Connection ◽  
Domino Effect ◽  
Nomenclature System ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
History Of

The purpose of the article is to clarify the place and role of the decree in the general course of the political process and highlight its direct consequences for the fate of the CPSU and the USSR. The scientific literature on the topic is analyzed. It is concluded that scientists draw a direct connection between the final events of the history of the USSR – Yeltsin's decree about departisation, degradation of the CPSU, resistance to the Emergency Committee and the liquidation of the CPSU / USSR. The author describes the stages of the personnel actions of Gorbachev and Yeltsin. In his opinion, the nomenclature system was expected: «construction» of the elite (1985–1987), elections in the party (1988–1990), elections in the state (1989–1990), decree about departisation (1991). The decree is seen as the final stage in the denationalization of the party. The CPSU, having lost power and property, ceased to be a state. The content of the decree, the behavior of political actors in connection with its adoption and the political consequences of the decree are considered. In conclusion, it is concluded that the decree was a domino effect, a provocation to the instant collapse of the USSR.

scholarly journals The Denationalization and Agencification of Net Neutrality Policy in Lithuania

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-43
Author(s):  
Deimantas Jastramskis
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Net Neutrality ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Communications Policy ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Stream Model

This paper focuses on the making of communications policy in Lithuania, specifically regarding net neutrality. The study employs a multiple stream model to analyze the conditions of the political process and the activity of political actors. The paper claims that the Lithuanian communications policy has become essentially denationalized since the country’s accession to the European Union. The issue of net neutrality policy has been framed in the context of EU policy, while the national agenda of net neutrality policy lost its significance. The denationalization of the net neutrality policy-making was harmonized with the agencification of policy formulation stage.

A Reassessment of Conventional Wisdom About the Informed Public: National Political Information in Ghana

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred M. Hayward
Keyword(s):  
Formal Education ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Political Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Major Interest ◽  
Informed Citizenry ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Different Levels

This study examines the extent, impact and implications of political information in Ghana using survey data. A major interest is to identify and examine variables which influence level of information and to look at the consequences for the political process of different levels of political information. I examine conventional wisdom concerning the ignorance of the masses about national politics and call into question some common assumptions. Many of the differences usually assumed between developed and underdeveloped nations are found either not to exist or to be smaller than hypothesized. The data suggest that in some areas of national political information the masses in non-modernized societies are more politically aware than their counterparts in modernized societies. It is also suggested that there is no necessary link between education (literacy) and political information and that there are a number of functional equivalents to formal education. In the last section of the study several propositions about the informed citizenry are discussed.

Dutch-Indonesian Relations 1940–1941

1965 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-47
Author(s):  
J. M. Pluvier
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Basic Principle ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Ethical Policy ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Political Scene

The development of pre-war Indonesian nationalism may be divided into four periods. The first period witnessed the shy initial attempts to achieve improvements in the cultural, economic, political and religious fields, stimulated more or less by the then prevalent Ethical Policy of the Dutch administration. During the late tens and the early twenties the political scene was dominated by the Sarekat Islam and the Partai Komunis Indonesia, at first collaborating, later competing with each other, but, whatever their mutual relations, both responsible for an amount of vociferous agitation and political vivacity which highly upset Dutch official and private circles. The abortive communist revolts of 1926–7 led to a harsh repression of everything communist, while the Sarekat Islam was losing its hold over the masses with which it had lost contact already after it had thrown out the leftists. At this stage real nationalism began to fill the vacuum caused by the disappearance of the P.K.I, and the powerlessness of the S.I. There is no doubt that the previous agitation had been motivated by genuine nationalist feelings, but these had either been subordinated to or run parallel with more internationally inclined movements such as Islamic reformism and Marxist socialism. After 1926, however, nationalism – and professedly Indonesian nationalism for that matter – was made the basic principle of political action. This became clear when the oldest party, the very cautious, in its origins very aristocratic and hardly more than Central Javanese Boedi Oetomo decided to include Indonesian nationalism into its programme. The new trend received its most clear expression, of course, in Soekarno's Partai Nasional Indonesia, which advocated a Free Indonesia, to be achieved by non-cooperation with the Dutch administration and the broadest possible co-operation with other political parties.

The Politics of Pension Reform in Latin America

2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 687-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
CARMELO MESA-LAGO ◽  
KATHARINA MÜLLER
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Pension Reform ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Explanatory Variables ◽  
Legal Constraints

Latin America has been a world pioneer of neoliberal, structural reform of social security pensions (‘privatisation’). This article focuses on the diverse political economy circumstances that enabled such reform, analysing why policy makers have chosen such a costly strategy and how they have managed to implement it. First, in nine countries with diverse regimes (authoritarian and democratic) it examines the internal political process that led to the adoption of reform. There tends to be an inverse relationship between the degree of democratisation and that of privatisation, but the political regime alone cannot fully explain the reform outcomes in all cases. To expand the search for explanatory variables, other key factors that might have influenced the reform design are studied, among them relevant political actors (driving and opposing forces), existing institutional arrangements, legal constraints, internal and external economics and policy legacy.

Reconsidering social movements in Turkey: The case of the 1968-71 protest cycle

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 63-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emin Alper
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Process Model ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Balance ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
White Collar Workers ◽  
The Masses

AbstractThe years between 1968 and 1971 in Turkey were unprecedented in terms of rising social protests instigated by students, workers, peasants, teachers and white-collar workers. However, these social movements have received very limited scholarly attention, and the existing literature is marred by many flaws. The scarce literature has mainly provided an economic determinist framework for understanding the massive mobilizations of the period, by stressing the worsening economic conditions of the masses. However, these explanations cannot be verified by data. This article tries to provide an alternative, mainly political explanation for the protest cycle of 1968-71, relying on the “political process” model of social movement studies. It suggests that the change in the power balance of organized groups in politics, which was spearheaded by a prolonged elite conflict between the Kemalist bureaucracy and the political elite of the center-right, provided significant opportunities to under-represented groups to organize and raise their voices.

scholarly journals Experts in Election News Coverage

2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Albæk ◽  
Christian Elmelund-Præstekær ◽  
David Nicolas Hopmann ◽  
Robert Klemmensen
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Campaign Coverage ◽  
Election Coverage ◽  
The Media ◽  
Election News ◽  
Over Time

Abstract Previous studies have shown that experts appearing in the media are increasingly speculating about trends and developments rather than presenting their own research. With respect to political journalism, this raises the question of whether increased use of expert sources has also led to an increased focus on process relative to substance in election news coverage. The study, conducted in 1998 and 2007, surveys what types of experts are referred to in the election coverage, what topics the experts comment on (in particular whether they focus on substance or process), and whether the number and types of experts as well as topics have changed over time. As expected, there is an increase in newspapers’ references to experts in their election campaign coverage. However, contrary to our expectations, in both 1998 and 2007, there is an equal number of articles referring to the election campaign’s political content (i.e., they mentioned the topics promoted by the political actors during the campaign) and to the political process. And extremely few articles included meta-discussions.

scholarly journals Political Process For Preparation Of Seated Island Regions As A Government Of Sebatik City ( 2006-2012) Nunukan Regency

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Didi Febriyandi
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Expansion Process ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
High Level

This paper looks at how the political dynamics that occurred in the Sebatik City expansion process in 2006-2012. The process of regional expansion can be understood as a political phenomenon by involving long administrative and political processes. This paper focuses on looking at political aspects so that it discusses in detail the interests of actors and how these actors articulate their interests. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. Primary data collection techniques are done through observation, structured interviews. For secondary data collection is done by documentation and library techniques.The results showed that the political process is complicated because it involves many interests of political actors making the Sebatik City expansion not realized until now. Although academic studies declared eligible and supported by the majority of Sebatik Island, high-level negotiations-negotiations have failed to realize Sebatik as Daera h Autonomy New (DOB). The political process that occurred did not create a consensus so that there was a conflict of interests that ultimately made the Sebatik City Expansion process hampered. Key Words: decentralization, regional autonomy, outer islands, division

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