scholarly journals LEAFLETS OF THE KAMA AND PERM SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATIONS OF THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905-1907

Author(s):  
V. S. Vorontsov

The presented publication includes an introductory article and campaign materials from the period of the first Russian revolution, published by the Kama and Perm social-democratic organizations. The published documents were found during the analysis of a private house in Sarapul and transferred for storage to the Udmurt Institute of history, language and literature of the Udmurt Federal Research Center UB RAS. The find includes 10 leaflets and a flying leaf published by printing, as well as handwritten notes (separate pages) with text about the actions of workers during the armed uprising against the police and army units. The leaflets are written in plain, understandable language, with a pronounced focus on target groups (urban residents, workers, soldiers, recruits, students). They contain information explaining the actions of the government and revolutionaries, call for an armed uprising, demand the convocation of the all-Russian Constituent Assembly and the boycott of elections to the State Duma, and tell about significant regional events. Leaflets of regional social-democratic organizations are an important source for studying the history of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907.

Author(s):  
Minlegali Kh. Nadergulov ◽  
◽  
Ilshat S. Igdavletov

Introduction. The article studies southeastern policies of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th century, its campaigns and the annexation of Central Asia. Goals. The work analyzes reasons for the activation of foreign policy in the region during the mentioned period. The course and goals of the conquest of the Khanates of Kokand and Khiva, Emirate of Bukhara are considered. Materials. The paper investigates data contained in reports by the State Councilor М. Bekchurin, and one more document ― Arabic-script travel records (manuscript) by a private soldier Husniyar currently stored at the Manuscript Collection of the Institute of History, Language and Literature (Ufa Federal Research Centre of the RAS) and for the first time studied as a historical source. Results. Messages about the beauty of Eastern cities and Asian wealth had long attracted attention of Russian monarchs. Finally, Russia’s attempts to penetrate into Central Asia were crowned with success. In just two decades, the vast country further extended its borders far to the south and became a neighbor of another one ― the British Empire. Nowadays, the study of the history of establishing relations with Kazakhstan and Central Asia, when the southeastern borders of Russia almost returned to those of the early 18th century, is relevant and practically expedient. Reports by State Councilor M. Bekchurin reveal the economic objectives of the government: Russian industry and trade were looking for new markets for their products. So, M. Bekchurin gives his suggestions how to facilitate the growth of trade. The manuscript of Husniyar’s travel notes contains observations of an ordinary soldier, his attitude and experience as a Muslim in the campaign against his co-religionists. The source makes it possible to present the set and route of one military formation. Both the documents provide an opportunity to depict this region in the late 19th century. Currently, there are independent countries across this territory with different state borders, and the ethnic composition of many settlements has changed significantly.


Author(s):  
Mikhail V. Kurmaev

The history of book publishing in Russia during the Civil War is studied extremely insufficiently, especially in the territories that left the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic in the summer of 1918. Among the “white spots” there are activities of the Middle Volga Cooperative Publishing House, opened in Samara in July 1918 after the capture of the city by the parts of the Czechoslovak Corps. The article, for the first time on the basis of the analysis of documents of the Central State Archive of the Samara Region (CGASO) and published sources, attempts the reconstruction of the history of this institution, shows the main stages of its formation and development in the context of confrontation of two models of statehood: Bolsheviks and SR-Mensheviks. The author provides materials showing that the Middle Volga Cooperative Publishing House was created from the very beginning as an interregional one, since it was supposed to serve schools in four provinces (Samara, Simbirsk, Ufa and Orenburg) and the Ural Region, controlled by the government of the Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly. In the face of shortage of textbooks, that publishing house, being isolated from Moscow and Petrograd, became a temporary centre for supplying educational institutions in the Volga region and the Cis-Urals with textbooks and writing accessories. Analysing the documents preserved in the CGASO, the author shows the self-sacrificing activity of board member Nikolay Andreevich Kalugin, who, after the return of Soviet power to Samara, was able to defend the publishing and bookselling base of the city’s cooperative associations from the encroachments of the Provincial Department of public education. The article reveals the repertoire of books published by the Middle Volga Cooperative Publishing House in 1918—1919 and estimates the degree of rarity of individual publications, not all of which are revealed in the collections of modern Russian libraries.


2018 ◽  
pp. 793-808
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Masyutin ◽  

The article analyses various aspects of the life in prison of political prisoners of the Vyatka gubernia. Unpublished documents from the archives of Kirov and Moscow, on which this study is based, designate the subject of the study; that is, they allow to establish forms of resistance of political prisoners to prison regime, to identify patterns of their escapes, to trace dynamics in occupancy of political prisons in the Vyatka gubernia, to establish instances of interaction between representatives of different left parties while in penal institutions. The timeframe of the study is the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1908, when prisons ceased to be the tenement of few and far between ardent revolutionaries from the privileged strata of society, and swarmed with much less versed ideologically masses of the discontented. Thus, in view of a participant of the revolutionary events of 1905-1908, Socialists-Revolutionary Maximalist G. A. Nestroev, the ideological grounding of the political prisoners deteriorated significantly. The author, however, believes that this ‘diversity’ of prisoners allows to conduct a more thorough analysis of their public activity in prison and to better link the activities of prisoners with the people on whose behalf the revolutionary forces acted. The author focuses on the Socialists-Revolutionaries, as their percentage among prisoners was much higher than that of the Socialists-Democrats. Known for several high-profile assassinations, the former were considered more dangerous state criminals than the Socialists-Democrat ‘propagandists,’ and thus were subject to more severe punishments. After the October revolution 1917, the Bolsheviks created an extensive mythologized literature on fellow party members who served time in tsarist prisons but mentioned only several Socialists-Revolutionaries, and these were politically harmless, or deceased (like E. S. Sazonov), or attached to the Bolshevik party (like V. N. Rukhlyadev). Findings and conclusions of the article can be used in research of the later periods in the history of Russia and the Soviet Union, particularly, for comparison of the prisoners’ struggle with the prison administration and of the forms of assistance to prisoners from the outside in tzarist Russia and later.


Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

In the era of revolutionary turmoil in 1917, the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly turned out to be one of many attempts to resolve the national question in accordance with the ideals of revolutionary democracy so popular in post-February Russia. Contrary to the hopes of their organizers, the elections to the Constituent Assembly did not lead to parliamentary discussion and political compromise, giving way to other, more radical methods of struggle. The history of this institution illustrated the defeat of Russian liberal messianism, which proved its inconsistency under the conditions of the Russian Revolution and Civil War.


2004 ◽  
pp. 142-157
Author(s):  
M. Voeikov ◽  
S. Dzarasov

The paper written in the light of 125th birth anniversary of L. Trotsky analyzes the life and ideas of one of the most prominent figures in the Russian history of the 20th century. He was one of the leaders of the Russian revolution in its Bolshevik period, worked with V. Lenin and played a significant role in the Civil War. Rejected by the party bureaucracy L. Trotsky led uncompromising struggle against Stalinism, defending his own understanding of the revolutionary ideals. The authors try to explain these events in historical perspective, avoiding biases of both Stalinism and anticommunism.


Author(s):  
Victoria Smolkin

When the Bolsheviks set out to build a new world in the wake of the Russian Revolution, they expected religion to die off. Soviet power used a variety of tools—from education to propaganda to terror—to turn its vision of a Communist world without religion into reality. Yet even with its monopoly on ideology and power, the Soviet Communist Party never succeeded in overcoming religion and creating an atheist society. This book presents the first history of Soviet atheism from the 1917 revolution to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. The book argues that to understand the Soviet experiment, we must make sense of Soviet atheism. It shows how atheism was reimagined as an alternative cosmology with its own set of positive beliefs, practices, and spiritual commitments. Through its engagements with religion, the Soviet leadership realized that removing religion from the “sacred spaces” of Soviet life was not enough. Then, in the final years of the Soviet experiment, Mikhail Gorbachev—in a stunning and unexpected reversal—abandoned atheism and reintroduced religion into Soviet public life. The book explores the meaning of atheism for religious life, for Communist ideology, and for Soviet politics.


Author(s):  
Arunabh Ghosh

In 1949, at the end of a long period of wars, one of the biggest challenges facing leaders of the new People's Republic of China was how much they did not know. The government of one of the world's largest nations was committed to fundamentally reengineering its society and economy via socialist planning while having almost no reliable statistical data about their own country. This book is the history of efforts to resolve this “crisis in counting.” The book explores the choices made by political leaders, statisticians, academics, statistical workers, and even literary figures in attempts to know the nation through numbers. It shows that early reliance on Soviet-inspired methods of exhaustive enumeration became increasingly untenable in China by the mid-1950s. Unprecedented and unexpected exchanges with Indian statisticians followed, as the Chinese sought to learn about the then-exciting new technology of random sampling. These developments were overtaken by the tumult of the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961), when probabilistic and exhaustive methods were rejected and statistics was refashioned into an ethnographic enterprise. By acknowledging Soviet and Indian influences, the book not only revises existing models of Cold War science but also globalizes wider developments in the history of statistics and data. Anchored in debates about statistics and its relationship to state building, the book offers fresh perspectives on China's transition to socialism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Ilyoskhon Burhanov ◽  

The article begins with writing about the scientists who conducted a study on the history of the Kokand Khanate. The article writes the taxation of the Kokand Khan and raising taxes, people protest against the government of Kokand, as a result it had a significant impact on political life


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