scholarly journals The Civic Culture: Between Analytical Category and Normative Ideal

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 15-42
Author(s):  
Jakub Potulski

Political culture is one of the most popular research areas related to the functioning of the sphere of politics. Contemporary research on political culture was initiated in the 1950s by American researchers Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. Their research was characterised by the assumption that the stability of a political system requires a balance between political structures and the accompanying political patterns. They pointed out that modern democratic institutions require civic participation and thus the development of a specific type of attitudes towards the sphere of politics referred to as the civic culture. In this article, the author analyses the social context in which the concepts of Almond and Verba arose, noting that they strongly influenced the way the concept of the civic culture was conceptualised. The author draws attention to the normative aspect of the theory of the American researchers, the consideration of which is necessary for a full understanding of the concept of the civic culture.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 4990-5007
Author(s):  
Maria Guadalupe Villegas Tapia ◽  
Bonifacio Vuelvas Salazar

The social representations that high school students in the "eastern" region of Mexico City construct of civic culture, political culture, and power relations in daily coexistence, are limited and restricted to legal citizenship, because the principles and values ​​of democracy have not been founded on the basis of a democratic political culture, to build full citizenship from childhood, generating spaces for reflection and listening back and forth, but above all, living a democratic life that enhances power -do, over power-over others.   Las representaciones sociales que los estudiantes de bachillerato de la región "oriente" de la Ciudad de México construyen sobre la cultura cívica, la cultura política y las relaciones de poder en la convivencia cotidiana, son limitadas y restringidas a la ciudadanía legal, porque no se han fundamentado los principios y valores de la democracia a partir de una cultura política democrática, para construir una ciudadanía plena desde la infancia, generando espacios de reflexión y escucha de ida y vuelta, pero sobre todo, viviendo una vida democrática que potencie el poder-hacer, sobre el poder-sobre los demás.


Behaviour ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 140 (10) ◽  
pp. 1193-1217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Murch ◽  
Craig Tovey ◽  
Ivan Chase

AbstractWe performed experiments with cichlid fish to test whether several basic aspects of dominance were the same in isolated pairs as in pairs within a social group of three or four. We found that the social context, whether a pair was isolated or within a group, strongly affected the basic properties of dominance relationships. In particular, the stability of relationships over time, the replication of relationships in successive meetings, and the extent of the loser effect were all significantly less in socially embedded pairs than in isolated pairs. We found no significant winner effect in either isolated or socially embedded pairs. These findings call into question many current approaches to dominance that do not consider social context as an important factor in dominance behavior. These findings also cast serious doubt on the validity of empirical and theoretical approaches based on dyadic interactions. Among these approaches are game theoretic models for the evolution of aggressive behavior, experimental designs evaluating how asymmetries in attributes influence the outcome of dominance


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.


Author(s):  
Sepideh Fard

In order to qualify our research, I think quantitative studies are not enough. A s a matter of fact, we need more qualitative studies especially if we are dealing with human traits and the social sciences’ studies as the numbers would not suffice. In doing so, there is a need for resear4chers to acquire a full understanding of qualitative research methodology, data collection procedures and the risks and issues related to them. For the beginners to enter in to the ocean of qualitative research areas, it seems necessary to have good sourcebooks to get a general view of this type of research and then deeply dive in the ocean of qualitative studies which needs lots of endeavor. In Essentials of Qualitative Inquiry, Maria J. Mayan (2009) provides a handy ladder for these beginning qualitative researchers to gain an introductory perspective.


Author(s):  
С.С. ПИГАРЬ ◽  
S.S. PIGAR

Возрождение в настоящее время различных элементов традиционной политической культуры кавказских горцев заставляет обратиться к эпохе, когда эта культура суще- ствовала в ее оригинальном состоянии — до и в процессе вхождения Кавказа в Россию в XIX в. Одним из важнейших ее аспектов является лидерство, ярко проявлявшееся в аб- хазском обществе. У кавказских горцев персональный авторитет являлся сочетанием репутации и связей и определял успех и влияние личности. Титул, сословная принадлеж- ность, богатство являлись подчиненными факторами, соответственно, политическая иерархия не совпадала с социальной. Персональные качества и репутация лидера лежали в основе его власти. Власть как таковая воспринималась горцами как одно из свойств лич- ности. Власть лидера основывалась на численности его добровольных приверженцев, ко- торые поддерживали отношения взаимовыгодного сотрудничества со своим лидером. По- скольку личность лидера была неотделима от сообщества его последователей, лидерство было, скорее, феноменом не личностным, а корпоративным. В основе абхазской культуры лежало стремление не подавить социальную активность людей, а регулировать ее таким образом, чтобы рост влияния лидера, его богатства и известности могли бы рассматри- ваться как достижения его группы. Более того, команда лидера не только поддерживала его, но и существенно ограничивала его амбиции. Традиции самоуправления в горском об- ществе не допускали политических лидеров к участию в экономической и духовной жизни общества. Эти функции выполняли лидеры особого типа — старейшины, которые были ведущей силой в неполитических областях общественной жизни. Они являлись посредни- ками между субъектами и объектами политических отношений, исполняя роль сторонне- го наблюдателя, дающего морально-правовую оценку происходящим событиям Renaissance of various elements of Caucasian highlanders’ authentic political culture at present necessitates the revision of the time when this culture functioned in its original state — before and during the integration of the Caucasus into Russia in the XIX century. One of the important aspects of that was leadership, vividly exemplified by the Abkhazian society. Personal authority among Caucasian highlanders resulted from the combination of reputation and connections, and defined the success and influence of a person. Titles, estates, and wealth were subordinate factors; therefore, the political hierarchy did not match the social one. Personal qualities and reputation of a leader were the basis of his power. For the highlanders power itself was an element of personality. The leader’s power was based on the number of his voluntary followers, which forced people to maintain mutually beneficial cooperation with the leader. As the leader’s personality was an integral part of his followers’ society, the leadership among the highlanders was rather a corporate phenomenon than a personal one. The goal of the Abkhazian culture and society was not to suppress people’s social activity, but to regulate it so that the growth of the leader’s influence, wealth, and fame would be considered as an achievement of his group. Moreover, the leader’s team did not only support him, but also significantly limited his ambitions. Highlanders’ self-government traditions prevented political leaders from participating in the economic and spiritual spheres. There was a special type of leaders in the Caucasus — the elders, which were the dominant force in the non-political aspects of the society’s life. The elders were a medium between subjects and objects of political system. They served as outside observers responsible for the moral appraisal and legal evaluation of all current events.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (7) ◽  
pp. 17-23
Author(s):  
O. V. Bashtannyk

The establishment of the fact that the really existing political order is incongruent to the institutional component of the political system takes up the matter with us of thanks to what is its functioning maintained. This problem is relevant due to the fact that in this case, the informality of such order tends to the semi-legal basis of the authorization rather than to the value-symbolic component of being. Institutional practices that made political order, can be reproduced as informal regulators of political communication or, by normative formalization, become an institutionalized component of the political system. It is possible to assume that one of the mechanisms for establishing the non-institutional political order is its self-maintaining through the use by actors of policy of specific interaction practices. Communicative practices, amongst others, have a decisive influence on the said processes, since their open and rational implementation allows to reach the level of discussing rules for the organization of power relations.It is substantiated that in political systems being transformed, the said initial incongruence can be firmly established as a result of the distortion of the content essence in the communication while applying manipulative technologies (including, through the system of education). If informal political discourse even goes beyond the control of formalized institutions (at least indirectly) but becomes effective, then it is considered necessary, as long as it justifies the existing political order, no matter how paradoxical it was. In our opinion, this is one of prerequisites for the emergence of hybrid political regimes, in which the deliberately stimulated coexistence of the formal (legal) and the efficient produces the uncertainty and, at the same time, is its result. In similar circumstances, individuals apply the kind of communication practices (for example, para-dialogue) contributing to the reconstitution of the political order, by which they were designed or adapted in the social environment. The habituation to the double bind situation can be regarded as one of elements for the formation of the double institutionalization in the socio-political environment, which would explain the stability of the latter in the context of the macro-system inefficiency.


1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 1200-1217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austin Sarat ◽  
Joel B. Grossman

This article attempts to assess the role of courts and other adjudicative institutions in the definition, interpretation, and management of conflict. Understanding the function of courts requires an understanding of a society's entire range of conflict management mechanisms. Particular emphasis is placed on those variables most likely to determine where and how conflicts will be solved.Adjudicative institutions can be effectively differentiated by a typology which measures the level of formality in procedures and the degree of “publicness.” The structure of a dispute-resolving institution will have an important effect on which disputes are presented to it and how they are decided. The nature of the dispute, goals of the disputants, social context, and political culture are also important variables.Government has an important stake in the manner in which disputes arise and are resolved. It may promote or require the resolution of some disputes in the courts while allowing others to be resolved in less public and formal arenas. Formal litigation may provide a model for private dispute resolution. It may also absorb and deflect grievances before they escalate into more organized and intense demands on the political system. Finally, litigation may have an important effect on system stability by promoting support for regime values.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. Jessop

Two main themes have been emphasized in recent description and interpretation of English political behaviour. One theme traces the stability of our political system to a widespread attachment to the civic values of submission to authority and an intermittent popular participation. The other theme explains support (at least among the manual working class) for the Conservative party in terms of deference to a traditional elite and/or a pragmatic appraisal of that party's economic and welfare capabilities. Little attention has been paid to the validity of either interpretation or to the relations between them. Accordingly, this paper first reviews the evidence for both themes and attempts to relate them, and then introduces some new survey data to throwfurther light on this problematic subject.


1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1125-1143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest A. Duff ◽  
John F. McCamant

This article considers the social and political factors that influence the stability/instability of the political system and attempts to measure some of these factors in the political systems of Latin America.


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