Measuring Social and Political Requirements for System Stability in Latin America

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1125-1143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernest A. Duff ◽  
John F. McCamant

This article considers the social and political factors that influence the stability/instability of the political system and attempts to measure some of these factors in the political systems of Latin America.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (7) ◽  
pp. 17-23
Author(s):  
O. V. Bashtannyk

The establishment of the fact that the really existing political order is incongruent to the institutional component of the political system takes up the matter with us of thanks to what is its functioning maintained. This problem is relevant due to the fact that in this case, the informality of such order tends to the semi-legal basis of the authorization rather than to the value-symbolic component of being. Institutional practices that made political order, can be reproduced as informal regulators of political communication or, by normative formalization, become an institutionalized component of the political system. It is possible to assume that one of the mechanisms for establishing the non-institutional political order is its self-maintaining through the use by actors of policy of specific interaction practices. Communicative practices, amongst others, have a decisive influence on the said processes, since their open and rational implementation allows to reach the level of discussing rules for the organization of power relations.It is substantiated that in political systems being transformed, the said initial incongruence can be firmly established as a result of the distortion of the content essence in the communication while applying manipulative technologies (including, through the system of education). If informal political discourse even goes beyond the control of formalized institutions (at least indirectly) but becomes effective, then it is considered necessary, as long as it justifies the existing political order, no matter how paradoxical it was. In our opinion, this is one of prerequisites for the emergence of hybrid political regimes, in which the deliberately stimulated coexistence of the formal (legal) and the efficient produces the uncertainty and, at the same time, is its result. In similar circumstances, individuals apply the kind of communication practices (for example, para-dialogue) contributing to the reconstitution of the political order, by which they were designed or adapted in the social environment. The habituation to the double bind situation can be regarded as one of elements for the formation of the double institutionalization in the socio-political environment, which would explain the stability of the latter in the context of the macro-system inefficiency.



1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ada W. Finifter

In recent years there has emerged in this country a radical questioning and rejection of established political institutions unparalleled since the Civil War in its intensity and scope. One objective indicator of this trend since World War II is the marked rise in voluntary renunciation of American citizenship, an act which represents the formal and final estrangement of the individual from his former political ties. Available evidence suggests that estrangement from the polity is also widespread in countries throughout the world as fundamental questions are being raised about the legitimacy of political institutions and political leadership.Attitudes toward the political system have long been a concern of political scientists. Major orienting theories of the political system suggest that citizen support plays a crucial role in determining the structure and processes of political systems. Almond and Verba, for example, use the concept “civic culture” to refer to a complex mix of attitudes and behaviors considered to be conducive to democratic government. Easton underscores the fundamental importance of attitudes for system stability, focusing especially on “diffuse support” as a prerequisite for the integration of political systems. He suggests that “(w)here the input of support falls below [a certain] minimum, the persistence of any kind of system will be endangered. A system will finally succumb unless it adopts measures to cope with the stress.”The conversion of these general theoretical ideas into systematic empirical theory requires further rigorous and comprehensive analyses of types of citizen support and the development of empirical indicators for this domain.



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arusyak Aleksanyan ◽  
Ashot Aleksanyan

This book analyses procedures for ensuring Eurasian Economic Union political stability and promoting Eurasian integration. The political factors of stability and new integration agenda of the EEU member states have been comparatively analyzed by the application of the methodology of the Stability Index of Political System with careful consideration of continually improving the context of legal obligations and harmonizing interstate relations. The book covers a comprehensive study of a number of factors determining the political stability of the EEU member states within 2000-2019. In-country and Crosscountry analyses have been conducted within the framework of methodology of the Stability Index of Political System. This book is intended to be used by scholars, experts and students at universities and research centers.



KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Adriana Fasolo Pilati ◽  
Raimundo Oliveira Filho

The article cares about the actual crisis of democracy, based on themes of representativeness, seeking possibilities for overcoming the crisis through a rereading of democracy. Some countries, in particular some of Latin America, present strong problems with regards to the democratic model of representativeness and governance. Through a deductive approach, it is concluded that the process of consolidation of politic democracy, although strengthened by some Constitutions denotes particular fragility because of high levels of inequality, as well as distance between the society and the government, because of representative system. Thereby, it is believed that from the social movements is possible to build a redemocratization of the political systems, as the best way of effective popular participation of the citizenship that is based in a participatory representativeness and in the education in human rights and that result in the creation of public policies aimed at eradication of poverty and social exclusion.



1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion

After indicating that no rigorous political theory of groups exists, chiefly because interest groups are not genuine groups in the sense of “real collective units,” the author examines the disadvantages and advantages of using the systems analysis approach for the study of political parties and interest groups. Three correctives are suggested to systems theory, as it has been developed by a number of authors and more especially by David Easton, to make it better suited for the analysis of parties and interest groups. First, the environment must be made operational by the introduction, in addition to the political system, of a social system, providing constraints on the analyst comparable to those of the political system itself, and by the identification within both systems of a social and a political dynamic. Second, greater attention must be given to the way in which parties and interest groups, inasmuch as they act as input mechanisms, permit interactions between the social and the political systems. Third, a sharper focus must be put on the way the input function of political systems throws light on the life of groups.



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).



Author(s):  
S. Suhak ◽  
L. Shabanova-Kushnarenko ◽  
M. Siruk ◽  
N. Bihun ◽  
A. Mishchenko

Nowadays, the development of information technologies determines the successful functioning of the political system, since they allow to control political processes, prevent social and political conflicts. Increasing the level of reliability of the information, the most effective use of information resources, external and internal information ropes increase the stability of the political system, stability of the socio-political development of the country. The combination of different telecommunication technologies that create the preconditions for building flexible and high-performance service-oriented systems can be used to solve problems in different industries. However, nowadays, one of the constraints on the implementation and further development of such networks is the theoretical under-development of service delivery models, due to the lack of comprehensive information on the structure of data center networks. During the research conducted by the authors, it was found that the data processing center is the basis for informing the defense ministry of Ukraine. During the research, the authors used general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the basic provisions of the theory of informatics, the theory of complex technical systems, the theory of information, etc. During the research, the authors substantiated the main tasks that will be performed by the data processing center of the defense ministry of Ukraine, identified the main information and calculation tasks that will be performed by them. The authors also substantiated the requirements for building a data center of the Defense Ministry of Ukraine. The authors evaluated modern technological solutions and software and hardware for the creation of the information infrastructure of the defense ministry of Ukraine. Possible technical and software for building a reliable and secure data processing center of the defense ministry of Ukraine are proposed. Therefore, the prospective direction of further scientific research of the authors should be considered the justification of ways of improvement of informatization of the armed forces of Ukraine and the creation of information infrastructure of the defense ministry of Ukraine are mobile data centers. This will allow the deployment of information infrastructure in various conditions, including in the open space, which is very relevant for the specifics of actions in the east of Ukraine.



2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (2 (246)) ◽  
pp. 49-63
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Stępińska

The aim of this paper is to recognize the factors limiting journalists’ sense of autonomy and affecting the level of their self-censorship during the last three decades of the post-transformation period. The issue will be addressed two-fold. First, we will analyze changes in the journalists’ perception on their professional autonomy. Second, we will examine trends in relations between the political system and media system in Poland since the 1990s. The findings show that in the 1990s journalists were still much more concerned about the political factors which could affect their work than about the economic ones. A decade later they had become much more aware of the economic pressures on their profession, such as owners’ expectations and market-driven journalism. In the last few years, however, the constant pressure of ongoing government reforms aimed at bringing the press under tighter political control, as well as the emphasis on ‘national’ content, has already led to some degree of self-censorship on the part of journalists.



2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.



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